David Library of the American Revolution

Patron's Perspective: In Search of Black Among the White

2012-02-03T11:49:00.023-05:00

"I found a lot of useful information about my subject, Edward Hector, a black Revolutionary war soldier who fought in the Battle of Brandywine and Germantown for Col. Proctor’s Third Pennsylvania Artillery"

This post marks the start of our Black History Month 2012 series, which will explore the challenges of researching the African-American contribution to the American Revolution. Patron Noah Lewis, a regular David Library patron and a seasoned historical interpreter, provides us with our first view on this tricky field of research. Noah's work has focused on the life and times of Ned Hector, an African-American who served with the Continental Artillery during the War. Noah has uncovered a significant amount of information on Ned, who operated in the capacity of a wagon driver during the war. For more on the story of researching African-Americans in the Library's collections, please read below. Our thanks go to Noah for his excellent contribution to this series.

WPT III

In Search of Black Among the White

Last summer I had the opportunity to experience a perspective that I was previously the subject of. I remember hearing about this David Library from various sources. As I talked to numerous historical authors invariably they would tell me how they found this bit of information or that bit of information at the David Library. Then they would ask me if I had been able to visit the David Library yet. I was asked this same question from not only authors, but from fellow reenactors as well. They would proceed to tell me what they discovered about their unit or person. These too would end in the question,” Have you had a chance to visit the David Library yet?” Finally, after feeling like I had been left out of something that everyone already knew, (nudge nudge, wink wink) I decided to visit this David Library I had heard so much about. Of course the fact that I had exhausted most of my resources fed an ever encroaching sense of desperation, which helped play a role in my paying a visit to the library as well.

What would this David Library have about black patriots? Not much, like most of them, I could imagine. I must confess, I was surprised by the volume and the range of resource materials they had. But what impressed me the most was how willing they were to go out of their way to help me. I had a sense that they believed they were like NASA’s mission control in which they sent out their patrons to explore the vast unknown of history.

And explore I did! I found a lot of useful information about my subject, Edward Hector, a black Revolutionary war soldier who fought in the Battle of Brandywine and Germantown for Col. Proctor’s Third Pennsylvania Artillery. This included information on Ned's officers, Col. Proctor, who had his horse shot from underneath him as well as the requisition for another horse, and Capt. Hercules Courtenay, who was court martialed for leaving the field of battle,” in an unofficer like way”; Ned's unit’s history, Proctor’s Third Pennsylvania Artillery which I discovered later became the Fourth Continental Artillery; muster, supply, and pension records for that unit; books researching the battles Ned was in and primary source material about those battles; Gen. Washington's orders pertaining to his black soldiers, including Washington's orders not to allow blacks to be enlisted; to name a few.

I mentioned how helpful the staff was to me. There were several times when the staff found information that was useful in my research. They found documents listing Teamster Edward Hector transporting ”pig metal” for Col. Potts in 1780. They also uncovered a document listing a “Negro Hector” owning a wagon and four horses.

In summary, when all this information is combined with other research, the picture of the African-American Continental soldier can be seen in several basic facts. About 3000 to 5000 people of color would fight for the American cause about 7000 to 10,000 would fight for the British. General George Washington would command the most integrated army until 1948 when Harry S. Truman would reintegrate the Army for Korea. Additionally, General Washington would have at least three majority black regiments under his command, from Massachusetts, Connecticut, and Rhode Island. The black sailors from Marblehead Massachusetts would help save Washington's army from annihilation when he was trapped at Brooklyn Heights in New York. The Marbleheaders would also help transport Washington's army across the Delaware River to attack a garrison of Hessians in Trenton. The Rhode Island Regiment would help to punch a hole in the defenses at Yorktown, which would make this victory possible. By the end of the war 10 to 25% of Washington's army would be people of color. Often, we tend to separate African-American history from American history, but the truth is African-American history is American history! This history belongs to everyone who calls themselves Americans. For without their contribution, as well as many others, we would not be free today.

Last year I found myself talking with a fellow African-American researcher who was writing about the First Rhode Island Regiment. Before the conversation was over, I had suggested to him that he might want to go to the David Library and examine the General Greene papers. Again, at the end of 2011, I was discussing Black American Colonial research with one of the main genealogist for the Daughter’s of the American Revolution and author of “Forgotten Patriots of the American Revolution“, when the David Library was brought up. She had heard of the David Library and confessed that she wanted to see what resources they had. However, living and working in Washington, DC, she had not been given the chance to do so. She expressed a wish to visit, plans were made, and a day was spent in the library. The day ended successfully, as we left feeling pleased with the research we found. Upon her departure, plans for a return visit was made. On reflection, I thought of how I had been the object of the referral and now I was the referrer. Isn’t it funny how life works?

Noah Lewis

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: The Battle of Brandywine and British Light Infantry

2012-01-26T13:30:00.040-05:00

"...the two companies quitted the road for this purpose to gain an orchard on the flanks; received a fire from about 200 men in the orchard..."

"Sleeves of the jacket sewed to the waistcoat; shell laid aside.
One or two pockets in the waistcoat below the breast."

Among the many documents contained within the Sol Feinstone Collection that are unique and vital, none is so absolutely fundamental to our understanding of the Battle of Brandywine and of the British Light Infantry as document number 111. This item consists of two parts: a memorandum describing the battle of Brandywine from an officer in the 1st Battalion of British Light Infantry (probably Lt. Wetherell of the 17th Regiment of Foot) and notes on the conduct and equipment of the British Light Infantry in the field. The former is a vivid blow-by-blow account, covering the experience of several British Light Infantry Companies from the opening salvos of the battle to its conclusion, filled with detailed remarks on the other British forces engaged as well as their American opposition. It provides an eye-opening glimpse into the experience of combat in North America during the Revolution, shattering the well-worn stereotype of lines of British regulars marching against American riflemen hiding behind trees.

The second part is vital to our knowledge of how the British Light Infantry operated in principle during the war and the sorts of equipment they carried. Appearing on pages 2-3 of the document, this set of memorandums begins with a side-by-side comparison of the war-time practice of the 1st Battalion, British Light Infantry, and the system created by Colonel Dundas, which was used from the 1790s through the Napoleonic Wars. Following this section in a series of notes covering the proper way to carry ammunition, how light infantry needed to be outfitted for service in warm climates (in this case, the West Indies) and some general notes on the movements of armies.

Our thanks goes out to David Library Research Assistant David Swain, who transcribed this invaluable document. Please read below to see the entire transcript

WPTIII

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 111

Unidentified British writer, memorandum of the Battle of Brandywine, 11 Sept. 1777

Transcribed by David Swain October 2011

[Note: text reads beginning with page 4, followed by pages 1, 2, and 3.]

Mem^o: battle of Brandewine. 11^th Sep^r. 1777

Army advanced in two columns.—right took the direct road to Chadsford, enemy on the opposite side of the river; left took a circuit to cross the forks of the Brandewine river, and arrive on the enemys flank.—

About noon enemy discovered this movement by their patroles and the British column having crossed the forks and gained the heights discovered the enemy marching to take up a position.—

The Kings army formed in column of battalions and halted to refresh the men after a march of about 12 or 14 miles.—

Upon the Troops getting again into motion the advanced guard was composed of the 17^th and 42^nd light companies and Capt. Evalts troop of mounted Yagers. Having advanced less than a mile Capt. Evalt proposed charging a party of dragoons on the road, provided we secured his left flank.—this was assented to, and the two companies quitted the road for this purpose to gain an orchard on the flanks; received a fire from about 200 men in the orchard, which did no execution; companies run up to the fence and halted, but as it was evident tho’ the enemy held back they were well supported.__Lord Cornwallis’s Aid de camp came to order the advanced guard to halt.__Looked back saw the line nearly formed and presently advancing.

Right of the road Guards__ 2 Batt^s. B. Gren^s left of the road Battⁿ. of Yagers. 2 Battn. of light infantry. 2^nd line Hessian Gren^s. on the right. Brigade of British on the left.__Reserve Brigade of British.—

As soon as the line approached the advanced guard L^t. Col. Abercromby ordered the 17^th light company to form on the right of the battalion, the 42^nd on the left:—as soon as the line came up to Dilworth Church the enemy opened a fire from five field pieces; the church yard wall being opposite the 17^th light company, the captain determined to get over the fence into the road and calling to the men to follow run down the road and lodged the men without loss at the foot of the hill on which the guns were firing. the hedge on the left side of the road much cut with the grape shot. __by a bend of the hill had a view of part of the enemys line opposite the grenadiers and opened a fire from about half the company on it, no more being able to form on the space; presently joined by the 38^th company some of their gallant soldiers wanted to ascend the hill immediately; objected as too imprudent; the 33^rd company joined immediately afterwards; the men of the three companies calling out up the hill; at

[pg 4]

their cannon, ascended the hill and had a glimpse of the enemys line as far as the eye could reach to the right and left.__some firing might have taken place on the left, but as yet the heavy fire of musketry was not begun.__enemys guns too far back on the height to annoy us, their line advancing on us we were compelled to throw ourselves on our knees and bellies, and keep up a fire from the slope of the hill.__enemy repeatedly attempted to come on, but were always drove back by our fire altho’ their general (Lincoln) very much exerted himself. At this time the most tremendous fire of musketry opened from both lines.

Looking back to see how far the grenadier line was off from which alone we could receive immediate support, to my surprise I saw close to me Major Stuart of the 43^d whose regt being at Rhode island attended the army as a spectator; recollecting the 43^d grenadier company was the left of their line, we persuaded Major Stuart to run down the hill and prevail on that company to hasten to our support; he did so, but before he could return, to my inexpressible joy, saw Captain Cochrane of the 4^th company on my left throw up his cap and cry Victory.—and looking round saw the 43^rd company hastening to our relief;—we darted forward passed the five pieces of cannon which the enemy had abandoned and made some few prisoners, enemy running away from us, with too much speed to be overtaken.

men being blown halted and formed to a fence, and were immediately joined by the 2^nd grenadiers to our right our own battalion kept away more to the left; as soon as the men were fit to go on, out of gratitude to Major Stuart we desired to elect him our chief and meant to have gone on under his command, but before we could move C^l. Abercromby galloped to us, and we joined the battalion.

A british brigade got into action with the enemys reserve, which terminated the battle on the left.—The column on the right as soon as soon as our fire was heard, crossed the river and drove the enemy from their works.

[pg 1]

-----Examination of the Dundass System.-----

                  Dundass                                                                         answered according to the
Company changes its name to Platoon.                                             practice of 1st Battn. Light Infy.
On peace establishment it is one in war it is
two Platoons.
Each company is a Platoon.                                                             A company is a company;
                                                                                                       weak or strong a company.
When the battalion is on a war establishment
each company will be divided into Two Platoons
Company to be sized from flanks to center.                                   Upon service the front rank man to
                                                                                                    be permitted to choose his comrade and
                                                                                                    do all duties with him, and always
                                                                                                    to cover him; This will prevent the exact
                                                                                                    sizing of the men, which certainly adds
                                                                                                    to the appearance of the company. The
                                                                                                    front rank may be sized.
Number of ranks
Company to form three deep                                                        Usual order two men. Men
                                                                                                    instructed to form single rank
Distance of Files as four deep.
Files lightly to touch                                                                      Files by day always loose; usual order
                                                                                                   11 inches; open order arms length
                                                                                                   extended order from five yards to fifty.
                                                                                                   In danger men like all animals
                                                                                                   crowd together.

Division of company                                                                    There seems an error to begin by
Company divided into two subdivisions    subdividing—before there can be
four sections.                                                                               a subdivision there must be a division.
                                                                                                   The company to be divided in plain
                                                                                                   familiar language;—in half Quarters
                                                                                                   and if this is not sufficient; into eights; or
                                                                                                   subdivisions.

                                                                                                   [Note: A diagonal line is drawn through
                                                                                                   the text from “Usual order…” through
                                                                                                   “…into eights; or subdivisions.”.]

Companies in battalion                                                          The precedency of companies being each
Companies in battalion to draw up                                         understood to be established as
according to seniority, from flanks                                         the parade order.—but in formation of line
to center.                                                                              from column convening or rapidity of
                                                                                            movement to supersede seniority.

[pg 2]

               Memorandums.
Powder horn and shot bag__                                        saves cartridges; a broken cartridge for priming
and paper cut for loading.__                                         or accident is lost—man going on duty to load
                                                                                    with loose powder

Hammer caps preserve the hammer from rust, and prevent the piece going off by accident___

Sixty rounds for service.

                   Light infantry Soldiers necessaries.___West Indies:
Sleeves of the jacket sewed to the waistcoat; shell laid aside.
One or two pockets in the waistcoat below the breast.
Linen Trowser and socks.—on[e] pr. trowsers died uniform, Two, or three
pr socks;--2 flannel shirts; 1 pr drawers do.--1 pr shoes off 1 on
in a bag rolled in blanket; carried up and down; if across men cannot get through Thickets.

Haversack for provisions; Tomahawk; Camp kettle for each mess.

                  Movement as a general rule.—

To advance from the center; To retreat from the flanks.

                   On coming to a position
The army having come to its ground, before the whole is posted, each
Corps to take charge of what is most continuous, until pickets
are posted.

                    Turning out before day.
All Guards and Pickets to get under arms an hour before day beak, and Patroles to be sent out.—At sunrise or after the day is well broke and patroles returned.

[pg 3]

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: British Landings at Head of Elk

2012-01-19T12:43:00.005-05:00

"It is likely we shall have hot work in this Neighbourhood ‘ere long—I wish it most cordially..."

August of 1777 found the Continental and British Armies facing off in Maryland, at the beginning of the campaign for Philadelphia, the then-capital of the United States. Having failed to bring Washington to battle during several campaigns in North Jersey during the opening months of 1777, British General Sir William Howe embarked his men in mid-summer and sailed south to the Chesapeake. His design was to quickly overrun Philadelphia through bypassing the formidable American defenses set across Delaware Bay by moving overland from his landing spot at Head of Elk in Maryland's eastern shore. In today's Letter from the Front, we catch a window into Washington's maneuvers as he concentrated his portion of the Continental Army to face this new threat. Mounted troops were essential to his operation, providing a flexible reaction force as well as a desperately-need body of scouts who could keep tabs on the British advance. Short of horsemen, Washington called on Baylor to bring his regiment of dragoons, which had not finished recruiting, into action. Attached to the bottom of the letter is a post-script by Washington's aide, R. H. Harrison, who replaced Joseph Reed. Harrison's note references the opening salvos of the other campaign of 1777-- British General John Burgoyne's invasion of Upstate New York, which focused on capturing Albany, forging a link with British forces in New York, and successfully cutting the United States in half. As Harrison's note shows, the American forces were full of fight and ready to engage with the redcoats on multiple fronts. For the full transcript of the letter, please read below. Our thanks go out to David Swain for this transcript.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 1529

George Washington to George Baylor, Wilmington, [DE], 25 Aug. 1777

Transcribed by David Swain October 2011

Wilmington Augt 25^th. 1777

Dear Baylor.

I received your Letter of the 18^th by this days post. I have never doubted of your assiduity and industry to raise your Regiment and am but too well satisfied of the difficulties you have met with. I wish you to come on, with such men as you have ready, and that you will have proper officers to recruit the Troop you mention to be deficient, and also the Remainder of the Regiment, if you think there is a probability of doing it.

The Fleet are laying in Elk River, and by an Express received this Evening the Troops were landing on the West side this morning. As matters are thus circumstanced, I think, the upper Road should be your route.

I am D^r Baylor

Yr most Obed^t Servt

G Washington

My good friend—I give you joy from the Bottom of my Heart on Account of the late fortunate & signal stroke given by Old Hank—and also on the threshing the Enemy got at Fort Schuyler. There was a cloud in the north, but I really think matters in that Quarter look well fresh now—I trust Burgoyne will [pg 1] be seriously mauled.—It is likely we shall have hot work in this Neighbourhood ‘ere long—I wish it most cordially—for I flatter myself, Mr Howe will be hard run. Farewell

Yrs R H Harrison

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Tending to POWs

2012-01-11T16:23:00.003-05:00

"You will immediately take into your Charge the following Prisoners of War who have petitioned for to be sent in to New York, being all maimed, but otherwise recovered of their wounds..."

As the British and American forces geared up for the Philadelphia Campaign, the daily administrative routine of both armies continued to grind on. Among the more poignant issues addressed was the treatment of prisoners of war. By August 1777, when Elias Boudinot penned the letter below to his colleague in Bucks County, both sides had ample numbers of enemy combatants "behind the wire." In some cases, however, these prisoners posed no further threat to their captors, having been so maimed in battle that they were no longer fit for service. This letter covers just such a group of men-- British soldiers who had recovered from their injuries (as much as they could) and who requested to be sent back to their Army in New York. From there, these men would have been discharged and sent back across the Atlantic to England, on the government dime, unless they opted to stay in America. A lucky few might be recommended for military pensions from the Chelsea Hospital. While the war was over for these men, Boudinot's letter speaks to another side of the issue: the treatment of American prisoners held by the British. One of the standard military conventions of the days was to send money and clothing through enemy lines to the prisoners to aid in their car, since armies of the period did not feel themselves obliged to provide for captured enemy troops (though the British often did the best they could for American prisoners). This practice reflects how the Continental Army attempted to act in every way like a conventional professional European army of the period. Our thanks once again to David Swain for this transcript.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 2331

Elias Boudinot to Joshua “Messereau” [Mersereau], Headquarters [Bucks County, Pennsylvania], 19 Aug. 1777

Transcribed by David Swain October 2011

Head Quarters Aug^t. 19^th. 1777

Sir,

You will immediately take into your Charge the following Prisoners of War who have petitioned for to be sent in to New York, being all maimed, but otherwise recovered of their wounds, and convey them safe to Staten Island or New York and there deliver them to the Commanding Officer of the British Troops, taking his doc^t. for them to be accounted for hereafter—You will also take the Bundle of Money herewith delivered, for our Prisoners of War in New York, to be delivered with the Letter to Mr. Pintard, to the same officer also taking his doc^t. for the same

Am Sir

Your Hble Servt

Elias Boudinot

Commissary Gen^l. of Prisoners

P.S. You will apply to the Commanding Officer at Eliza^t. Town for a Flag.

Joshua Messereau Esq^r.

Deputy Com. of Prisoners

List of Prisoners

W^m. Corwan John Buckannon

W^m. Money Francis Ingram

Arthur Fulling James Keen

Joseph Stendal Orion Baker

W^m. Corbett Melcher Smart

Paul M^cPherson

David Morehead

W^m. Wilkinson"

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Opinions on Light Horsemen

2012-01-05T16:13:00.002-05:00

"...I am confident that since the Beginning of this campaign not one light horse man gave or got a trust or a Cutt of a sword."

One of the most under-represented types of soldiers present in the armies which fought in the American Revolution was the light horseman. In British terms, light horse was generally represented by light dragoons, men who originally fought on foot but rode to the battlefield on horses. By the latter half of the eighteenth century, dragoons more often than fought on horseback. Their "lightness" was reflected in their lack of armor and use of light sabers, in addition to their pistols and carbines. The dragoons were represented by two regiments, the 17th and the 16th (or Queens) Light Dragoons, the latter of which provided a special dismounted troop for service in America. The Royal Provincial Regiments would take the light horse a step further towards the ideal with the Queen's Rangers Hussars, who were armed primarily with sabers, and the British Legion Dragoons, who carried pistols and sabers. Both fought from horseback. On the opposite side of the field, the Americans struggled to form a competent cavalry corps. From the outset, the Continental Army had been a primarily infantry force, though some militia formations were mounted (though in the classic dragoon since, where they rode to battle but did not fight from horseback). For the Ten Crucial Days Campaign, for example, Washington had only the 50 mounted troopers of the Philadelphia Light Horse, which he used as his personal bodyguard. The Continental Army would come to raise several regiments of light dragoons, which included dismounted troops and legionary formations that appeared later in the war. At the crucial stage when Brigadier General Thomas Conway wrote the letter below, however, the American forces were still figuring out how to raise and employ mounted troops. In Colonel Armand's Legion, they would find an excellent example of the proper use of light horsemen. Our thanks to David Swain for the excellent transcript below.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 199

Thomas Conway to Robert Morris, Upper Dublin Camp, Pennsylvania, 9 Aug. 1777

Transcribed by David Swain October 2011

Upper Dublin Camp the 9^th august 1777

Sir,

I think that the Demand of Col^l. armand to have light horse to his corps should not be rejected. What light horse men we have in this army are of no use in military operations. they are merely employ^d as messengers or Waiters to general officers which is absolutely ridiculous. I am confident that since the Beginning of this campaign not one light horse man gave or got a trust or a Cutt of a sword if I am not very much mistaken this would not be the case with the light horse men which Coll. Armand Would Command

I am sir

Your most obed^t. humble servant T. Conway B. G."

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Perils of the Recruiting Service

2012-01-04T15:53:00.032-05:00

"...They were ready to fight when men of Fortune & monopolizers did."

In this installment of Letters from the Front, we skip ahead of the dreary late winter days of 1777 and into the spring, when the recruiting service started up again. As discussed in a previous entry, most Continental regiments recruited annually, enlisting men for one year of service at a time. In 1777, this practice began to change, but many regiments still felt the crunch to recruit their full quota of men. As the letter from Thomas Cartwright and James Jones below demonstrates, the recruiting service was extremely difficult. Colonel Henry Jackson dispatched the two men from his headquarters in Boston to head north, towards New Hampshire, "beating up for men" (as recruiting was sometimes called in period speech) along the way. Their report highlights the many difficulties involved in this task. While communities were expected to provide a certain quota of able-bodied men for Continental Service, they generally lacked the coercive power to actually do so. The drafting referred to below is the one exception: in later years, militia companies were formed and a certain number of the men therein were drafted into Continental service. Personally, I did not think this practice caught on until much later in the war, so I welcome comments from other researchers here. Also of note is the fact that a clear gulf was beginning to emerge between the rich and the "monopolizers" (merchants benefiting from the sale of now-rare goods) and the common men who did most of the actual fighting. This is one version of the age-old theme of "rich man's war, poor man's fight" that echoes throughout world history. Please see below for the full text of the letter. Our thanks go out to David Swain for this transcript.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 163

Thomas Cartwright and James Jones to H[enry] Jackson at Boston. Newburyport, [Ma.] 16 May 1777

Transcribed by David Swain August 2011

“Newbury port 16 may 1777

Coll^o Jackson

Sir

We had the satisfaction of paying you our respects yesterday from Salem. A few hours after we addressed ourselves to you we departed for this Town. In our journey we perceived numbers of men in different places collected for the purpose of drafting for the Continental army. At every such place of Rendezvous we posted our encouraging & even designed advertisements, at the same time using every argument in our power with the officers to induce the men to engage with us for your Reg^t. but alas! We could not prevail. When We arrived here, we were indefatigable in our application to obtain an acco^t. [pg 1] of what we were to expect from this Town. We were inform’d last Even’^g that the afternoon afforded an Assembly of the Inhabitants in w’^ch the Committees attempted to induce the deficiency of their Complement to enlist for the Service, without effect. Some generously offer’d to go for 6/ p day for 8 Months with Wages & a large bounty. From the observation we have made we conclude that however anxious we may be for Volunteers for our Reg^t. we shall have it fill’d only by drafts. You may rely that we shall use our utmost exertions to recruit & when the present infamous weather subsides shall try our Fortunes in the neighboring Towns. [pg 2] Some on the Roads frankly owned they would freely join our Reg^t if paper money would pass. They were ready to fight when men of Fortune & monopolizers did, but yet would not join the army for any pecuniary consideration while the Sum of 20 Dollars were undervalu’d beneath the real worth of five or one.

We will do the best in our power & are with Respect Yr Hble Ser^v

Th Cartwright

Jms Jones

[pg 3]”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org.

Letters from the Front: Mr. Hood's Account of 2nd Trenton

2011-12-30T16:44:00.001-05:00

"The Enemy advanced abt. half way over the Bridge when they were repulsed it is supposed with considerable loss as a heavy fire was kept up both in front & flank with The Artillery & Musquetry for abt. 12 Minutes..."

Among the most out-standing documents in the Letters from the Front collection is Mr. Hood's Account of the Second Battle of Trenton, which took place on January 2, 1777. Hood served with the 3rd Battalion, Pennsylvania Associators, under the command of General John Cadawallader, whose crossing on December 27th led to Washington's re-occupation of Trenton on December 30th. His account begins on near midnight of December 31, 1776, when his unit was recalled from its position in Crosswicks, NJ, to join the main Continental Army at Trenton. From there, Hood chronicles the second battle of Trenton, the night march to Princeton, and the engagement outside the town on the morning of January 3rd. Hood concludes with the American advance to Morristown after the victory at Princeton. For the full account, continue below.

We wish all of our readers a Happy New Year and look forward to new posts in 2012!

WPTIII

Sol Feinstone Collection #1907

Transcribed by W.P. Tatum III, May 2011

“Relation of the Engagement at Trenton and Princetown on Thursday and Friday the 2^nd & 3^d of Jan^ry 1777 by M^r. Hood 3^d Battⁿ [Pennsylvania Associators]

Information given by M^r. Hood of the 3^d Batallion

about 12 OClock on ~~Thursday~~ Wednesday Morning Orders came to them to March from Crosswicks to Trenton___ They arrived at Trenton on Wednesday morning ab^t. 9 OClock__ in one hour After the Alarm Guns fired and all their Batallion got under Arms immediately___ They were orderd to March over the Bridge & form ~~on the Far~~ a Line with the whole Brigade Command^d. by Gen^l Cadwalader.___ in about 1 h^r. after they perceived the Enemy advancing and firing their Artillery on which they were orderd to take possession of a wood [illegible strikethrough] up the Creek to prevent the Enemy from outflanking. At this Time They [sic] Enemy & ~~our people~~ two of our Brigades were engaged beyond Trenton on the Princetown Road. our People retreated into Trenton___ ~~the Enemy~~ They on this returnd back to the Bridge & formd in a line___ with 3000 Men & 2 field p^s. in the Main Street___ and 2 field p^s. secreted behind M^r. Walors house opposite the Mill.___ & some Rifle men in the Hill. & artillery all along the Creek.___ after they were so stationd the Enemy advanced towards the Bridge, while they were advancing a Cannonade on both Sides commenced, & the Enemy threw a number of Shells, which did no execution and One Cannon Ball, pass’d through the 3^d Batallion & killed 2 Men.___ The Enemy advanced ab^t. half way over the Bridge when they were repulsed it is supposed with considerable loss as a heavy fire was kept up both in front & flank with The Artillery & Musquetry for ab^t. 12 Minutes. Their firing ceased in the dark of the Evening___ They were then orderd to form a Square round the Woods and to make up their fires & to lay on thier [sic] Arms,___ ab^t. 12 OClock at Night they were orderd under Arms.___ They were Then ordered to lay down their Arms & return to thier fires___a little after One Orderd [Page 1] to Arms again They united the several Brigades together & The Artillery ~~was~~ Advanced before them & the army followed, this was all done with greatest Silence.___ they continued their March around the head of the Mill Creek dam & pass’d a Bridge and so continued their rout to the Prince Town Road & then Cross’d it & pass’d into a bye Road & proceeded about 1 Mile to the northward of Princetown__ and continued this Rout till day light when they saw Princetown__ and come through the Woods & field on the Back of the town and precieved the Enemy ab^t. 700 on the rise of a Hill ab^t. ¾ of a Mile from the town,___ a firing began by the Virginia Brigade, & then it was supported by Gen^l. Cadwaladers brigade which was at first put in a little confusion, but rallied under the Hill immediately___ in the Mean time a New England Brigade advanced and the RiffleMen flanked the Enemy, and they broke & ran immediately ~~& we took ab^t. 200,~~ upon w^ch our people pursued them advanced to the Town, they fired one Shot into the College, when a man waved his Hat, Another shot was fired & a flag was sent out & they Surrendered to the number of 86. ~~And~~ afterwards ~~about the~~ a number more was brought in to the ammo^t. of 200___ in this action ab^t. 100 of the Enemy was killed & ab^t. 14 of ours Gen^l. Mercer advanced at the Head of his Brigade between a Barn & a house near where the Engagement began.___his horse was shot under him & fell, when the Gen^l. was recovering from the fall, the Enemy thrust a Bayonet in his head, it is said he died of his wounds, and Captain Shippen shot through the head___ this party of the Enemy were intirely scatterd & numbers of them were taken in small parties.___ at princetown 5 Field p^s. taken One of w^ch Spiked up Several Baggage Wagons, and some ammunitions & Stores.___ They then halted at Princetown ab^t. 1 hour ~~provisions were supplied to the Army.~~ ___when They heard a platoon fireing on the Prince town Road, they were order under arms. & to form.___ Gen^l. Miflin came to them & told them the Enemy was a coming to prepare for a Brush.___ They then March’d to Kingston, & went up Mill Stone Creek ab^t. 3 Mile, they head of the Army halted there for the Rear.__ that the informant went to a farmers to get some refreshment fell a sleep and waked in the Morning, the Army was gone he heard they were at Sommerset Court house on Saturday Morning and that he intended to ~~join~~ proceed to join Gen^l. Heath, that [Page 2].”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org.

Swain Report Special: War Office 28, Regimental HQ Papers, Installment 9

2011-12-15T16:39:00.000-05:00

In this final installment of his on-going catalog of British War Office 28 (Miscellaneous Regimental Headquarters Papers from Canada), Library Research Assistant David Swain probes the returns of various Loyalist Corps, along with miscellaneous letters and records relating to the Indian Department. As with the other parts of this series, these documents serve a vital role in filling in the gaps in our understanding of British operations launched from Canada. The returns of Loyalist Corps in particular offer a means for understanding how the British Army struggled to incorporate Loyal Americans who fled to Canada and offered their military service. The Loyalist experience here was in marked contrast to the main British Army operating in the 13 more southerly colonies, as has been discussed in a previous entry. The records for the Indian Department provide an equaly important portal into the experience of another marginalized group of British combatants: the native tribes who kept their allegiance to Britain, along with the British Officers and Loyalists who worked closely with them. The remaining documents provide insights into the demographic composition of British and German units in the theatre, as well as general operations.

Our sincere thanks go to David Swain for making this collection of material more accessible than it has ever been, and we hope our readers will embrace this opportunity to engage with these sources.

WPTIII

28.10 Miscellaneous returns, letters, and papers; Indian Department (Reel 8)

Summary contents:

 Returns relating to Loyalists—John Peters’ Queen’s Loyal Rangers, Ebenezer Jessup’s King’s Loyal Americans, Sir John Johnson’s 2nd Battalion, Daniel McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, 1777-1778: 58 documents; documents 1 through 58; printed page numbers 1 through 65

 Returns relating to Loyalists—Captain Daniel McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, 1779: 2 documents; documents 59 through 60; printed page numbers 66 through 68

 Returns relating to Loyalist Corps, 1780: 28 documents; documents 61 through 88; printed page numbers 69 through 110

 Returns relating to Loyalist Corps, 1781: 20 documents; documents 89 through 108; printed page numbers 111 through 130

 Returns relating to Loyalist, Regular Army, and Brunswick Regiments, 1782: 18 documents; documents 109 through 126; printed page numbers 131 through 175

 Returns relating to Loyalist, Regular Army, and Brunswick Regiments, 1783: 38 documents; documents 127 through 164; printed page numbers 176 through 281

 Miscellaneous letters, 1778-1783: 25 documents; documents 165 through 189; printed page numbers 282 through 321

 Original letters delivered to Brigade Major Skone [Shane ?] by Major Alexander Fraser, June 25, 1785: 34 documents; documents 190 through 223; printed page numbers 322 through 373

 Indian Department, letters and papers, 1775-1782 and 1785-1797: 40 documents; documents 224 through 263; printed page numbers 374 through 443

For the full catalog, read below.

British War Office 28—American Headquarters Records

Annotated List of Contents—Part 10 (Reel 8)

The David Library holds microfilm copies of the British War Office 28 Records, parts 2 through 10 (1775-1785), contained on 8 reels, as follows:

28.2 Letters, returns, etc. (reel 1, 176 documents)
28.3 Letters, returns, etc. continued (reel 2, 197 documents)
28.4 Butler’s Rangers; Canadian Fencible Corps; Jessup’s Rangers; Roger’s Rangers; Royal Highland Emigrants (84th Regiment); McAlpin’s Volunteer Corps (reel 3—first part), 223 documents)
28.5 King’s Royal Regiment of New York, Rogers’ King’s Rangers, Barrack Master General’s Department (reel 3—second part, 33 documents; reel 4, 147 documents)
28.6 General Hospital Department; garrison returns; Engineers Department (reel 5—first part, 204 documents)
28.7 Montreal; St. Johns; Ordnance; Quartermaster-General’s Department (reel 5—second part, 183 documents; reel 6—first part, 58 documents)
28.8 Trois Rivières; Sorel; Germans; Carleton Island, Cataraqui, Oswego (reel 6—second part, 181 documents)
28.9 Memorials and petitions; General Sir Guy Carleton’s New York headquarters order book (reel 7, 511 documents)
28.10 Miscellaneous returns, letters, and papers; Indian Department (reel 8, 263 documents)

Note: The compiler of this annotated list has numbered the microfilmed documents consecutively within each reel. These numbers do not appear on the microfilm and are used here only to maintain a sense of order in the contents.

“Letterbooks” among these documents are not actually bound books but are folders of separate-page letters kept at the time by regiments. The microfilm copies of these letters are mostly in chronological order, with a few exceptions. Apparently at a later time, archivists added consecutive printed numbers to the letter pages within each part. These printed numbers are noted in this list for each letterbook or document set.

28.10 Miscellaneous returns, letters, and papers; Indian Department (Reel 8)

Summary contents:

 Returns relating to Loyalists—John Peters’ Queen’s Loyal Rangers, Ebenezer Jessup’s King’s Loyal Americans, Sir John Johnson’s 2nd Battalion, Daniel McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, 1777-1778: 58 documents; documents 1 through 58; printed page numbers 1 through 65

 Returns relating to Loyalists—Captain Daniel McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, 1779: 2 documents; documents 59 through 60; printed page numbers 66 through 68

 Returns relating to Loyalist Corps, 1780: 28 documents; documents 61 through 88; printed page numbers 69 through 110

 Returns relating to Loyalist Corps, 1781: 20 documents; documents 89 through 108; printed page numbers 111 through 130

 Returns relating to Loyalist, Regular Army, and Brunswick Regiments, 1782: 18 documents; documents 109 through 126; printed page numbers 131 through 175

 Returns relating to Loyalist, Regular Army, and Brunswick Regiments, 1783: 38 documents; documents 127 through 164; printed page numbers 176 through 281

 Miscellaneous letters, 1778-1783: 25 documents; documents 165 through 189; printed page numbers 282 through 321

 Original letters delivered to Brigade Major Skone [Shane ?] by Major Alexander Fraser, June 25, 1785: 34 documents; documents 190 through 223; printed page numbers 322 through 373

 Indian Department, letters and papers, 1775-1782 and 1785-1797: 40 documents; documents 224 through 263; printed page numbers 374 through 443

Itemized, annotated contents:

 Returns relating to loyalists—John Peters’ Queen’s Loyal Rangers, Ebenezer Jessup’s King’s Loyal Americans, Sir John Johnson’s 2nd Battalion, Daniel McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, 1777-1778: 57 documents with dates from January 30, 1777 through October 15, 1778 (plus an outlier document dated in November 1781 or 1783) (printed page numbers 1 through 65)

1. January 30, 1777
“A List of the Loyalist’s from the Province of New York Sworn before me at Point Clair” with certification that all men listed had taken the oath of allegiance to the King; signed by John [?] Gray

2. June 13, 1777
“Battalion of 600 men divided into Eight Companies”; Mr. Peters’, and Mr. Jessup’s battalions to be called the Queen’s Loyal Rangers and the King’s Loyal Americans, respectively

3. September 8, 1777
Copy of a letter from Brigadier General Samuel Fraser to [?]
Concerning pay, supplies, and organization for the two new loyalist battalions

4. [October 1777]
“Roll of Captain Hugh Munro’s Company with the time each was in the Batteau Service”

5. October 14, 1777
“Abstract of Captain Hugh Munro’s Company for their Extra pay as Batteau men while in Said Service between 12th August and 14th October 1777”; total balance due is £162.7.8

6. November 1, 1777
“Monthly Return of His Majesty’s the King’s Loyal Americans Commanded by Lieut. Colonel Ebenezer Jessup”; signed at Ticonderoga by Jessup

7. November 1, 1777
“Monthly Return of His Majesty’s the King’s Loyal Americans Commanded by Lieut. Colonel John Peters”; signed by Peters

8. November 1, [1777]
“Return of Royalists not Incorporated in any Corps” signed at La Prairie, near Fort George, by H. Dick for the acting commissary of musters [?]

9. December 1, 1777
Monthly return of the Kings Loyal Americans; signed at La Chine by Jessup
10. December 1, 1777
“Monthly Return of Volunteers Commanded by Cap’t [Daniel] McAlpin”; signed by McAlpin

11. December 1, 1777
“A Monthly of a Corps of Royalists under the Command of Cap’t Sam’l McKay”; signed at Châteauguay by MacKay

12. December 1, 1777
Monthly return of the Queen’s Loyal Rangers; signed by Peters

13. December 9 [or 10], 1777
“A Return of Conventioners & Non-Conventioners”; Quebec

14. December 20, 1777
“A Roll of the Officers, Non-commissioned Officers & Privates of Royalists who have Served under General Burgoyne last Campaign, and those who came in for Protection, and those who were taken Prisoners at Bennington, and at Different Places, and Killed, Belonging to the Corps under My Command”; signed at Châteauguay by MacKay

15. December 25, 1777
“Return of the Royalists Quartered at St. Johns and from thence to Chamble [Chambly] [and at St. Therèse]”; signed at St. Johns by R. Duport

16. [no date]
A List of the Royalist Names at Pointe aux Trembles

17. [no date]
Return of McAlpin’s Corps, including women and children, stationed at Nouvelle Beauce

18. [no date]
“A List of Men appointed to receive Officers Pay under my Command, and of Mr. Adams & Eight Men who have not Join’d any Corps”; not signed [commander not identified but may be MacKay]

19. January 1, 1778
Monthly return of the Corps of Loyalists under MacKay; signed at Châteauguay by MacKay

20. January 1, 1778
Monthly return of the King’s Loyal Americans; signed at La Chine by Jessup

21. January 1, 1778
Monthly return of the Queen’s Loyal Rangers; signed at La Chine by Major Ludork [?] Wright

22. [January 22, 1778]
Copies of two lists identifying families for whom rations were being provided by voucher; signed by Jessup; also signed by Sir John Johnson [microfilmed twice]

23. February 1, 1778
Monthly return of the Queen’s Loyal Rangers; signed at La Chine by Peters

24. June 1, 1778
Monthly return of the seven companies of Loyal Regiment of Volunteers; signed by MacKay

25. [June 10, 1778]
“A Return of the Royalist and Families under the Command of Capt. Sam’l Adams”

26. June 11, 1778
“Return of Royalists not Incorporated in any Corps remain’ in my district”, compiled at Montreal, including families, where quartered, where from, and remarks

27. June 16, 1778
“Return of the Families Calling themselves Loyalists Quartered at St. Johns St. Therese & Chamble”; signed by R. Duport at St. Johns

28. June 16, 1778
“Weekly State of the Kings Loyal Americans”; signed at Sorel by Jessup

29. June 17, 1778
Return of McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, including women and children; signed at Quebec by McAlpin [microfilmed twice]

30. June 24, 1778
Return of Peters’ Corps, including loyalists and their families drawing provisions in Canada and where stationed; signed at New Lorette [now Loretteville, near Quebec] by Captain James French

31. June 26, 1778
“Return of Royalists how Draws Provisions with Mr. McKay’s Corps”; signed at “Clarkburg” [location not clear] by William McKay

32. June 26, 1778
“A List of Royalists at Beauport”
33. July 25, 1778
A list of “The poore distressed Loyalists belonging to the late Mr. Pfisters Corps to whom His Excellency General Carleton was pleased to promise them discharges”; signed at Quebec by John MaComb

34. July 28, 1778
“Return of the Officers belonging to the Corps of Loyalists raised by the late Col’l Francis Pfister of Hosack, by whom Nominated, or appointed, and when they Joyn’d”; signed at Charlebourg [near Quebec] by Captain Robert Leake

35. August 1, 1778
Monthly return of the King’s Loyal Americans; signed at [New] Lorette [near Quebec] by Jessup

36. August 1, 1778
Return of the seven companies of the Loyalist Regiment of Volunteers raised by Pfister and commanded by Samuel MacKay; signed by Leake

37. August 1, 1778
Return of the loyalists commanded by Captain Samuel Adams; signed by Adams

38. August 3, 1778
“Return of Arms and Accoutremt’s Wanting to Compleat Cap’t McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers”; at Quebec

39. September 3, 1778
“Return of the different Corps that march’d from Quebec 25th July 1778 under the Command of Lieut Colonel John Peters”; signed at Isle aux Noix by Lieutenant William Fraser

40. September 4, 1778
“Names of the Men belonging to Capt. McAlpin’s Corps”; at Isle aux Noix

41. September 13, 1778
“List of Capt Adams Company men and followers of the army”, at Machiche

42. September 13, 1778
“List of the men Belonging to Collonel Jessups Corps and followers of the army”; at Machiche [microfilmed twice]

43. September 13, 1778
“List of the followers of the Army Belonging to Coll Peters Corps”; at Machiche

44. September 14, 1778
Return of the different corps that marched from Quebec under the command of Peters at Isle aux Noix; signed by William Fraser

45. September 26, 1778
Return of the Detachment arriving yesterday from St. Johns, belonging to Captain McAlpin’s camp at Sorel; signed by Lieutenant Thomas Fraser

46. October 11, 1778
“A List of Capt. Jeremiah French’s Company in the 2nd Batallion of the Kings Roy’l Regt of New York”; signed by French and by Lieutenant [?] [microfilmed twice]

47. October 11, 1778
“A Return of Captain Edward Jessups Comp’y of the second Ba[tallion] of the [Roy]al Regiment of New York”; Signed at Sorel by Edward Jessup; proof table attached [manuscript pages cut, distorting the text]

48. October 12, 1778
Return of Captain Jonathan Jones’ Company of the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed at Sorel by Jones, Lieutenant William Samson, and Ensign William Mann

49. October 11, 1778
A list of Captain Leake’s company in the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed by Leake, Lieutenant William McKay, and Duncan Cameron

50. October 11, 1778
Return of Major McAlpin’s company in the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed by Captain Lieutenant David Jones

51. October 11, 1778
List of Captain Hugh Munro’s company; signed at Sorel by Munro, Lieutenant William Fraser, and Ensign John Peters

52. October 11, 1778
Return of Captain John Peters’ company in the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed at Sorel by James Parrot, Captain John Peters, and Ensign Andrew Peters, absent; proof table attached

53. October 11, 1778
Return of “Cap’t S B Company” under Lieutenant Robison’s command; at Sorel

54. October 11, 1778
Return of Captain Christian Wehr’s company of the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed at Sorel by Wehr, Lieutenant MacCarran, and Engineer John Diesenberg

55. October 11, 1778
A list of Captain Wilkinson’s company of the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed by Wilkinson, Lieutenant Israel Maniz [?], and Ensign Harmon Best

56. October 15, 1778
“Present State of the Second Battl’n of the Kings Royal Regt of NY Commanded by Lieut. Colonel Sir John Johnson”; signed at Sorel by William McKay

57. November 18, 1781 [or 1783] [out of chronological sequence]
“List of the Provincial Troops in Canada Serving under His Excellency General Frederick Haldimand”; [later marked “duplicate” in pencil]

58. [no date]
Note on the disposition of men and officers (most were dismissed) in three companies of Canadians employed with Burgoyne’s army in 1777

 Returns relating to loyalists—Captain Daniel McAlpin’s Corps of Volunteers, 1779: 2 documents with dates of October 1 and November 1, 1779 (printed page numbers 66 through 68)

59. October 1, 1779
Monthly return of McAlpin’s Corps of the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed at Sorel by McAlpin

60. November 1, 1779
Monthly return of McAlpin’s Corps; signed at Sorel by McAlpin

 Returns relating to Loyalist Corps, 1780: 28 documents with dates from June 2 through December 14, 1780 (printed page numbers 69 through 110)

61. June 2, 1780
Return of the Engineer Department in McAlpin’s Corps stationed at Nouvelle Beauce; signed at Quebec by Sergeant Duncan McGregor

62. August 1780
“Return of the Officers of the different Corps of Loyalists, & the Pensioners, Commanded by Major [John] Nairn[e]”; signed by Nairne; with “The Recapitulation” (numerical summary)

63. September 12, 1780
From Nairne at Montreal to Major Richard Berringer Lernoult, adjutant general, at Quebec
Enclosing a return of officers of the different corps of loyalists [document 60]; suggesting that these officers be organized into “one Corps or Batt’n of ten Companys, with a Company of Gentlemen pensioners” suggesting “point au Lake and Nicolette, or at Verchere” as the location for the headquarters; promising another return with names of those not attached to any corps

64. October 1, 1780
Monthly return of the different corps of loyalists commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

65. October 11, 1780
“List of the Families arrived at S. Johns the 9th October inclosed in [Captain] R[obert] Leake’s Letter of the 11th”; [letter not microfilmed]

66. October 24, 1780
“A List of the Officers, Sergeants, Corporals Drums & Private Men of the Kings Loyal Americans, Commanded by Ebenezer Jessup Esq.”, including a numerical recapitulation

67. November 1, [1780]
Return for October of “Persons who came in from the Colonies”; signed at St. Johns by Lieutenant Colonel Barry St. Leger

68. November 23, 1780
“Major Nairnes Orders proposed for the better managing the Royalists”; reorganizing the “several Crops of Ebenezer Jessup’s Esq’r, John Peters Esq’r, the late Major MacAlpin’s, The remainder Cap’t Leake’s, and Lieut Adams” into 10 new companies, to be commanded by Ebenezer Jessup, Peters, Edward Jessup, Jonathan Jones, Justus Sherwood, Peter Drummond, William Fraser, John Wehr, John Ruyter, and Gershon French respectively

69. November 30, 1780
Monthly return of Loyalists by name and dates of arrival from the colonies; signed at St. Johns by St. Leger

70. November 1780
Monthly return for November of loyalists commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

71. December 1, 1780
“Roll of Mr. Peter Drummond’s Company of Royalists”; signed at Verchères by Nairne

72. December 17, 1780
“A List of the Names of those men Suposd to have the Best Claime to the first committions of the first Companies in the Queens Loyal Rangers who are to be appointed for the Present and who are not prisoners”; signed at Quebec by Peters and Sherwood

73. [no date]
“Determinations by the Board of Officers held at St. John’s on the diff’t Corps of Royalists”

74. December 1780
Monthly return for December of the different corps of loyalists commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

75. [no date]
“A List of such of the Loyalists [under the command of Captain McAlpin] as are judged to be rated above their deserts, and it is humbly submitted to his Excellency to reduce them to the Sums Opposite to their respective Names p’r Muster”

76. [no date]
“Effective Roll of Captain Edward Jessups Company of Loyal Americans”; “Effective Roll of Captain Jonathan Jones’ Company”; “Capt. Ebenezer Jessups Company”; “A List of Twenty Seven Men which was at Montreal & Lately joined Jessups Party”

77. [no date]
“List of Loyalists proposed to form a Company of Artificers, with their Stations and Corps, as now marked on the Engineers Checque Book”; “List of Artificers belonging to Capt’n Leakes Company who are very usefull, in the engineers Department, and in General are not equally qualified for Soldiers”

78. August 10, 1780
“A Sumary Return of the Different Corps of Loyalists at Machiche”; signed by Allan McDonell

79. August 10, 1780
“A Return of Men Women And Children Belonging to Capt Adams Corps of Loyalists at Machiche”; signed by McDonell

80. August 10, 1780
“A return of men Women and Children Belonging to Coll Jessups Corps of Loyalists at Machiche”; signed by McDonell

81. August 10, 1780
“A Return of Men Women and Children Belonging to the Diseased Major McAlpins Corps of Loyalists at Machiche”; signed by McDonell

82. August 10, 1780
“A Return of Men Women and Children Belonging to Capt Peters Corps of Loyalists at Machiche”; signed by McDonell

83. August 10, 1780
“A return of men Women and Children at Machiche not Attachd to Any Corps”; signed by McDonell

84. [no date]
“A List of Men belonging to the Kings Rangers Commanded by Major James Rogers in Canada for Which he is Intittled to draw the King’s Bounty at 5 Dollars p man”; a total of 182 men and a total calculated bounty of £212.6.8; signed by Rogers

85. [no date]
“A List of all such Officers as were nominated to serve in [?] Jessup’s Corps with remarks on the situation of the Corps and each mans pretentions that are now in the Corps agreeable to a Return…with their wishes to be formed into Companies agreeable to that Return”; [detailed four-page list]

86. December 1, 1780
Present state of loyalist corps commanded by Ebenezer Jessup, exclusive of those serving in the 84th Regiment, Sir John Johnson’s Regiment, and the late Major McAlpin’s Corps; signed at Verchères by Jessup

87. December 14, 1780
“State of Lieut. Colonel John Peters’s Corps raised by order of His Excellency General Sir Guy Carleton”; signed at Quebec by Peters [a three-page word description of the actions of the corps from the summer of 1777 and the status of individuals serving in the corps]

88. December 14, 1780
Return of Peters’ Queens Loyal Rangers, including officers and privates “who are free of all disputes or claims that may be made of them by any other Corps”; signed at Quebec by Peters [seven pages]

 Returns relating to Loyalist Corps, 1781: 20 documents with dates from January 1 through December 1, 1781 (printed page numbers 111 through 130)

89. January 1, 1781
“Monthly Return of the Different Corps of Royalists in Canada Commanded by Major John Nairne”; signed by Nairne

90. February 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

91. March 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne [right side of torn sheet; see document 91 for the left side]

92. [no date]
“Alterations since last Return”

93. March 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne [left side of torn sheet; see document 89 for the right side]

94. April 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

95. May 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

96. June 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

97. June 1, 1781
Monthly return of loyalists’ names and dates of arrival from the colonies; signed by Lieutenant Colonel Barry St. Leger, commander of the district of St. Johns

98. July 1, 1781
Monthly return of loyalists’ names and dates of arrival from the colonies; signed at St. Johns by St. Leger

99. July 14, 1781
“Remarks upon the following Corps of Royalists mustered at Verchere; signed by Lieutenant Alexander Campbell; contains remarks are about the fitness of individuals listed for service

100. August 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

101. September 1, 1781
Monthly return of loyalists’ names and dates of arrival from the colonies; signed at St. Johns by St. Leger

102. September 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

103. October 1, 1781
Monthly return of loyalists’ names and dates of arrival from the colonies; signed at St. Johns by St. Leger

104. October 1, 1781
Monthly return of the King’s Rangers; signed at St. Johns by Captain Henry Ruyter

105. October 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

106. [no date; received November 7, 1781]
Monthly return of loyalists’ names and dates of arrival from the colonies; signed by Captain David Forbes, 34th Regiment

107. November 1, 1781
Monthly return of the loyalist corps commanded by Nairne; signed by Nairne

108. December 1, 1781
Monthly returns of Edward Jessup’s Corps, a company of invalids commanded by Lieutenant Colonel John Peters, a company of gentlemen pensioners commanded By Ebenezer Jessup, and an independent company of loyalists commanded by Sir Jonathan [?] Walter Myers; signed by Nairne

 Returns relating to Loyalist, Regular Army, and Brunswick Regiments, 1782: 18 documents with dates from January 1 through December 13, 1782 (printed page numbers 131 through 175)

109. January 1, 1782
“General Return of the Country, Size, Age & time of Service, of the men of His Majestys Forty Fourth Regiment of Foot, Commanded by General James Abercromby, Including Sergeants, Corporals, and Drummers”; signed at St. Charles by Captain William Norton, commander of the 44th Regiment

110. January 1, 1782
“Size roll of Capt Peter Drummonds Company of Loyal Rangers”; signed at Verchères by Drummond

111. December 25, 1781
Roll of the names, country, size, age, and time of service for the company of loyalist rangers commanded by Captain William Fraser; signed at Yamaska by Fraser

112. January 1, 1782
Size roll of Major Edward Jessup’s company; signed at Verchères by Edward Jessup

113. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, age, size, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain Jonathan Jones’ Company of Loyal Rangers; signed by Lieutenant Alexander Campbell

114. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, age, size, and time of service of noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain John Jones’ Company of loyalist rangers; signed at Verchères by Jones

115. [no date]
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the loyalist company commanded by Captain John William Meyers

116. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates in Lieutenant Colonel Peters’ Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Verchères by Peters

117. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the detachment of King’s Rangers quartered at St. Johns; signed by Major James Rogers

118. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the 1st Battalion of King’s Royal Regiment of New York commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Sir John Johnson, including sergeants, corporals, and drummers; signed at Isle Jésus by Major John [?] A. Gray

119. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the 29th Regiment commanded by Lieutenant General William Evelyn; signed at La Chenaye by Major Christopher Carleton

120. January 1, 1782
General returns of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 34th Regiment, including Lieutenant General Lord Frederick Cavendish’s Company, Lieutenant Colonel Barry St. Leger’s Company, Major Robert Mays’ Company, Captain George Churchill’s Company, Captain Samuel Steel’s Company, Captain Alexander Fraser’s Company, Captain David Forbes’ Company, and Captain William Wood’s Company

121. January 31, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the 53rd Regiment of Foot; signed at Pointe aux Trembles by Captain H. Dunlop

122. January 12, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the 84th Regiment of Foot commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean; signed at Batiscan by Major John Adolphus Harris

123. January 1, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the Detachment of the Royal Regiment of Artillery in Canada; signed by Lieutenant Colonel Forbes Maclean

124. February 17, 1782
Size roll of Captain Justus Sherwood’s Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Verchères by Lieutenant James Parrot

125. December 13, 1782
Lists of sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 31st Regiment of Foot; signed at Pointe aux Trembles, including Colonel Clark’s Company, Lieutenant Colonel French’s Company, Major Cotton’s Company, the Grenadier Company, Captain Green’s Company, Captain Hays’ Company, Captain Donaldson’s Company, Captain Brown’s Company, Captain Ravenhill’s Company, and the Light Infantry Company

126. December 13, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the 31st Regiment of Foot commanded by Major General Thomas Clarke; signed at Pointe aux Trembles by Lieutenant J. French

 Returns relating to Loyalist, Regular Army, and Brunswick Regiments, 1783: 38 documents with dates from December 30, 1782 through April 25, 1783 (printed page numbers 176 through 281)

127. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain Peter Drummond’s Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Drummond

128. [no date]
Roll of Captain William Fraser’s Company of Loyal Rangers; signed by Fraser

129. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain Thomas Fraser’s Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Ensign William Samson

130. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Major Edward Jessup’s Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Jessup

131. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain Jonathan Jones’ Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Lieutenant David Jones

132. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain John Jones’ Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Jones

133. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Lieutenant Colonel John Peters’ Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Ensign John Peters

134. January 21, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the detachment of the King’s Rangers commanded by Major James Rogers quartered at St. Johns; signed by Rogers

135. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the Captain Justus Sherwood’s Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Lieutenant James Parrot

136. January 21, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the King’s (or 8th) Regiment of Foot commanded by Lieutenant General Bigoe Armstrong; signed at Niagara by Lieutenant Colonel A. [?] Dundas

137. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the 29th Regiment of Foot commanded by General Sir William Evelyn; signed at St. Johns by Major Alexander Campbell

138. January 1, 1783
Returns of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 34th Regiment, including Lieutenant General Lord Frederick Cavendish’s company (signed at Niagara by Major Robert Hayes), Lieutenant Colonel Barry St. Leger’s Company (signed at Niagara by Hayes, Major Robert Hayes’ Company (signed by Hayes), Captain William Ancrum’s Light Infantry (signed at Fort Erie by Hayes), Captain George Churchill’s Company (signed at Carleton Island by Churchill), Captain Samuel Steel’s Company (signed by Hayes), Captain Alexander Fraser’s Company (signed at Fort Schlosser by Hayes), Captain David Forbes’ Company (signed at Niagara by Hayes), and Captain William Wood’s Company (signed at Niagara by Hayes)

139. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 44th Regiment of Foot, commanded by Major General Charles Rainsford; signed at Quebec by Lieutenant Colonel Henry Hope

140. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 53rd Regiment of Foot, signed at Isle aux Noix by Major John Nairne

141. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, pipers, and privates of the 84th Regiment of Foot, commanded by Lieutenant Colonel Allan Maclean; signed at Carleton Island by Major John Adolphus Harris

142. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and rank and file of the detachment of the Royal Regiment of Artillery in Canada; signed at Sorel by Lieutenant Colonel Forbes Maclean

143. January 11, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 1st Battalion of the Kings Royal Regiment of New York, commanded by Sir John Johnson; signed at Terre Bonne by Major James Ray [?]

144. January 22, 1783
Returns of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the troops commanded by Prince of Anhalt, (listed by “État Major” plus 19 companies, 2 corps, and artillery); signed at Rivière Ouest by Lieutenant Colonel and commander George de Rauschenblat [written in French]

145. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Lieutenant Colonel de Barnes’ Brunswick Regiment, de Barnes’ Company; signed at Montreal by de Barnes

146. December 30, 1782
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of de Barnes’ Brunswick Regiment, Captain Thomas’ Company; signed at Montreal by Compagn

147. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Captain John W. Meyers’ Company of Loyal Rangers; signed at Rivière du Chêne by Meyers

148. January 1, 1783
Returns of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment of Dragoons (4 companies, identified as “Esquadrons”, stationed at St. Antoine and St.-Charles-sur-Richelieu (both near Montreal); the third signed at St. Charles by Major de Meiborn [?]

149. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment, Captain Adolph Diterich’s Company; signed at Chateau Richer (near Quebec) by Diterichs [written in German]

150. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment, Captain von Tunderfeldt’s Company; signed at St. Anne by Lieutenant Ernst Christian Schroeder [written in German]

151. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel von Hille’s Company; signed at St. Joachim (near Quebec) by Captain Jacob Christian Lander [written in German]

152. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment, Lieutenant Colonel Chretien Jules Praetorius’ Company; signed at Ange-Gardien (near Quebec) by Praetorius [written in German]

153. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment, “Leib Compagnie”; signed at St. Famille (near Quebec) by Captain Rosenbery [written in German]

154. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Lieutenant Colonel de Barnes’ Brunswick Regiment, Captain A. F. Dommes’ Company; signed at Montreal by Dommes

155. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of de Barnes’ Brunswick Regiment, Captain de Geusau’s Company; signed at Montreal by de Geusau

156. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of de Barnes’ Brunswick Regiment, Captain Schottelius’ Company of “Chasseurs”; signed at Montreal by de Schottelius

157. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of the Brunswick Regiment, Major General Frederick von Riedesel’s Company; signed at Sorel by de Captain Harbord

158. January 1, 1783
Returns of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of Major General de Rhetz’ Brunswick Regiment, including four companies; signed at St. Denis by Major and Commander of the Regiment Bayeu de Leicke [?]

159. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of von Riedesel’s Brunswick Regiment, Captain Thorgenstern’s Company; signed at Sorel by Thorgenstern

160. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of von Riedesel’s Brunswick Regiment, Captain de Pollnitz’ Company; signed at Sorel by Lieutenant Morgenstern

161. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of von Riedesel’s Brunswick Regiment, Captain de Speth’s Company; signed at Sorel by Ensign de Meiborn

162. January 1, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of von Riedesel’s Brunswick Regiment, the “Compagnie Vacante”; signed at Sorel by Captain Ettr Girswald [?]

163. January 21, 1783
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the noncommissioned officers, drummers, and privates of an artillery corps commanded by Major Perusch; signed at St. Nicholas (near Quebec) by Perusch

164. [no date; received April 25, 1783]
Return of names, country, size, age, and time of service of the sergeants, corporals, drummers, and privates of the 2nd Battalion of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York; signed by Major John Ross

 Miscellaneous letters, 1778-1783: 25 documents with dates from April 10, 1778 through December 18, 1783 (printed page numbers 282 through 321)

165. April 10, 1778
From Lieutenant Andrew Robinson of the 20th Regiment at Ile d’Orleans to General Sir Guy Carleton, commander in chief
Requesting a “License or Permission to be called in Church with a young Lady of this Town”

166. April 25, 1778
From Robinson at Orleans to Carleton at Quebec
Renewing his request for permission to marry, having received no response

167. June 7, 1778
From Robinson to Captain Francis Le Maistre, deputy adjutant general, at Quebec
Seeking 10 days of leave consistent with orders from Captain Powers

168. June 7, 1778
From Robinson to Le Maistre
Note enclosing Captain Powers’ letter [see document 171]

169. June 8, 1778
From Robinson at Quebec to Carleton
Resigning his commissions with complaints of having been passed over by younger officers [enclosed with document 168]

170. June 8, 1778
From Robinson to Le Maistre
Cover letter for Robinson’s enclosed letter of resignation [document 167]

171. June 8, 1778
From Robinson to the Commander in Chief
Expressing a feeling of acute distress; bitterly laying blame on the commander in chief and on him alone for having deprived him (Robinson) of happiness; denying that he was neglecting his duties

172. July 6, 1778
From Robinson at St. Laurent (near Montreal) to Le Maistre at Quebec
Explaining his absence without leave to “settle some affairs of the most delicate nature”; admitting having “a mistaken notion, that my being absent so short a time, would not be attended with any bad Consequences” but now finding himself subject to arrest; seeking assistance in resolving the situation

173. June 1, 1778
From Captain Bolton Power at St. Laurent to Robinson at Quebec
Instructing him to embark with the 20th Regiment’s clothing and baggage for New York, “where you will be inform’d whether it is proper for you to go further, if the Regm’t is not Exchangd”; instructing him to apply to the commander in chief for leave to go out of the province [enclosed with document 166]

174. March 26, 1778
From Simon Metcalfe at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Having been asked to provide two copies of a map of the north end of Lake Champlain, explaining that he will have time to complete only one, and inquiring about the support and protection promised by Carleton for him, his family, and his farm

175. August 1, 1778
From Metcalfe at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Reporting having received a passport from Brigadier General Henry Watson Powell to go to his home at Plattsburgh; seeking permission to cut some timber to repair his house there

176. October 29, 1778
From Metcalfe at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Renewing request for financial support and protection; reporting having delivered the promised map

177. November 8, 1778
From Conrad Gregg at Machiche to Le Maistre at Quebec
Concerning the capture of deserters from Captain Ziebling’s company

178. December 18, 1778
From Joncaine Cooper at Chambly to [? probably Le Maistre]
Concerning her husband, Thomas Cooper, clerk of artillery stores at Chambly, who apparently is a “Canadian prisoner” [written in French]

179. [no date]
“Copy of the Paper transmitted by General Phillips”
“List and Names of Persons recommended by Messieurs [Captains] Mackay, Monin, and Boucherville to be Officers to their respective Companies” in the Canadian Corps; signed by H. L. C. [?]

180. February 11, 1779
From Metcalfe at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Although thankful for Le Maistre’s efforts on his behalf, stating that an “allowance” offered him is insufficient to satisfy his petition for support and protection

181. July 26, 1779
From A. Corbin at Sorel to [?]
Offering thanks for a visit from and good words by the person to whom the letter is addressed that were well received [written in French]

182. March 13, 1780
From Metcalfe at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Having heard of an exchange of prisoners, still seeking both payment on his petition and permission to leave Canada for his own country

183. October 17, 1780
From Charles [Lieutenant ?] Tonnancour at Trois Rivières to Major Richard Berringer Lernoult, adjutant general, at Quebec
Reporting having captured two deserters, named John Cook and Alexander Fraser, but stating that the season makes it impossible to transport them [written in French]

184. December 5, 1780
From Tonnancour at Trois Rivières to Le Maistre at Quebec
Providing further information about Cook, Fraser, and 12 other deserters [written in French]

185. June 2, 1782
From Tonnancour at Montreal to Lernoult
Seeking permission to join Butler’s Corps as a lieutenant and to pursue a career in the King’s service [written in French]

186. August 4, 1782
From Tonnancour, with Butler’s Rangers at Niagara, to Lernoult at Quebec
Requesting assistance in being approved for a vacant first lieutenancy [written in French]

187. October 27, 1783
From Captain Gertet de Rouville [?] at Montreal to [? Le Maistre]
Concerning his joining either the 84th or 8th Regiment [written in French]

188. October 8, 1783
From Lieutenant Tonnancour at Trois Rivières to Lernoult at Quebec
Concerning deserters [written in French]

189. December 18, 1783
From Rouville at Montreal to Lernoult
Acknowledging receipt of orders [written in French]

 Original letters delivered to Brigade Major Skone [Shane ?] by Major Alexander Fraser, June 25, 1785: 34 documents with dates from November 18, 1784 through August 28, 1785 (printed page numbers 322 through 373)

[Note: Documents in this section are not microfilmed in chronological order.]

190. March 1, 1785
From Lieutenant W. B. Sheehan at Carleton Island to Brigade Major Alexander Fraser, at Montreal
Enclosing a state of the garrison and of the Naval Department; seeking an extra allowance of five shillings per day for extraordinary expenses as commander of the post

191. November 18, 1784
“Artificiers &c Employed as follows in the Engineers dep’t at this Post, Cataraqui”; signed by John Clunes, clerk of the checque

192. January 15, 1785
From Major William Potts at Cataraqui to Fraser at Montreal
Concerning numerous administrative matters at and news from a post in the “upper country,” which he considers “purgatory”

193. August 28, 1785
From Potts to Fraser
More about his perceptions of military life at Cataraqui, thoughts on the contrasting “bustle” in England, and more

194. February 28, 1785
From Neil McLean at Cataraqui to Fraser, Secretary to the Commander in Chief
Expressing views on his military life at Cataraqui; “The Superintending the Loyalists in this Dictrick is no easy task My friend! They are both needy and unruly”; “It has been a great Disapointment to the Settlements in General that the Said Wheat sent here last fall did not arrive here in time & I hope it will not be the same with the Seeds promised in the Spring.”

195. March 1, 1785
From Potts at Cataraqui to Fraser
More detailed administrative matters and news

196. March 14, 1785
From Potts at Cataraqui to Fraser
More administrative matters and news, including matters concerning Indian tribes

197. March 24, 1785
From Alexander McKee, deputy superintendent of Indian affairs, at Detroit, to Fraser
Concerning relations with the “Western Indians”, including the possibility of recruiting some of them into the King’s service

198. March 24, 1785
From McKee, at Detroit, to Mr. Dease, deputy superintendent of Indian affairs [at Niagara ?]
Extract of the letter
Reporting that a meeting had occurred between Americans and Western Indians at Fort McIntosh, 30 miles below Pittsburgh, similar to an earlier one at Fort Stanwix.

199. May 26, 1785
From Henry Hay at Detroit to Fraser at Quebec
Presenting greetings from his father [Governor Jehu Hay] and reporting that monthly returns for the garrison have been sent “regularly when wer opportunities offered”

200. January 30, 1785
From Fraser at Montreal to Captain Henry Rudyerd
Concerning payment for bricks made at Sorel for government use

201. May 31, 1785
From Fraser at Montreal to Major Monsell commander of the 2nd Division of the 29th Regiment
Orders to relieve garrisons at Cataraqui, Carleton Island, and Oswegatchie

202. June 19, 1785
From Fraser at Montreal to Monsell
Letter accompanying arrival of newly appointed barracks master Mr. Sparham

203. June 19, 1785
From Fraser at Montreal “To the Commanding Officers of the Several Posts in the Upper District of Canada”
Ordering the commanding officers to cooperate with upcoming inspections of fortifications and public buildings at the posts

204. February 23, 1785
From John Dease at Niagara to Fraser
Providing information, and commenting about the lack of information, about Indian affairs in the Fort Stanwix area; predicting that these Indians “probably will be reduced to the same Situation of the New England Indians”; reporting little news of interest from Detroit

205. April 10, 1785
From Lieutenant George Armstrong at Niagara to Fraser
Reporting on behalf of Lieutenant Colonel Arent De Peyster that general orders of February 7 and 10 have been received, and returns will be sent

206. April 19, 1785
From Dease at Niagara to Fraser
Reporting that the Americans are making efforts “to Detach the Indians from our interest, both by threats & promises”; reporting that “Congress Commissioners” had met with Indians at Sandusky on about March 21; enclosing an abstract of a letter from Mr. McKee [may be document 196]

207. May 13, 1785
From De Peyster at Niagara to Fraser
Reporting compliance with an order to send a detachment under Captain David Forbes’ command to relieve the garrison at Oswego, which will depart as soon as the harbor is cleared of ice

208. May 30, 1785
From De Peyster at Niagara to Fraser
Reporting intent to comply with order to move “down” men from the King’s Regiment but stating that it will take some time because some of them are at Detroit and others at Cataraqui

209. May 30, 1785
From Captain William Ancrum at Niagara to Fraser at Montreal
News concerning deserters, recruits, prisoners, the current reduction that “does not look much like war, which I am sorry for”; reporting that “The men of your Company have been guilty of committing several Robberies again this year, so that at all parts of the Province our Reg’t will have a most shocking character”

210. June 7, 1785
From Ancrum at Niagara to Fraser
Reporting the regiment being almost complete, after the reduction; acknowledging receipt of orders “for the removal of our Quarters on the King’s Regim’t having reliev’d”

211. June 9, 1785
From Ancrum at Niagara to [? probably Fraser]
Acknowledging receipt of information about relief of the King’s Regiment by the 34th Regiment; reporting that Forbes’ detachment has gone to Oswego and that Captain Steel’s company is at Carleton Island; seeking information about quarters and command at Detroit

212. June 10, 1785
From Captain A. Beauclerk at Niagara to Fraser
An inquiry about his rank as captain “en second”; letter enclosed [document 211]; stating that he believes he does not qualify for “en second” despite receiving it

213. March 17, 1785
Copy of a letter from Mr. Lewis at the War Office to Mr. Edmund Armstrong
Clarifying that the two youngest captains, lieutenants, and ensigns as of June 24, 1783 are on half pay; “the two in each rank next above them are en second” [enclosed with document 210]

214. June 11, 1785
From Ancrum at Niagara to Fraser at Montreal
Concerning Beauclerk’s assertion that he does not qualify for “en second”; recognizing that he is probably right, however, “as it was done by the two former Commanding Officers I wou’d not Take upon me to alter it and I believe all the other Regiments return their Seconds different from us”; requesting that the matter be laid before the commander in chief

215. May 15, 1785
From Forbes at Oswego to Fraser
Announcing his detachment’s arrival at Oswego; will send requested returns as soon as able

216. May 23, 1785
From Forbes at Oswego to Fraser
Enclosing requested the present state of the garrison and a return of ordnance stores; reporting having sent Corporal Rauch of the 34th Regiment, accused of trafficking with Americans among other charges, as a prisoner to Niagara [microfilmed twice]

217. June 24, 1784
Copy of letter from R. Mathews to Major Ross, commander at Cataraqui
Concerning “regulations for the Saw Mill & the benefit to be derived from it by the Loyalists”; leaving it up to Ross to determine how best to accommodate the needs of loyalists from the saw mill and by allowing them to bring in cattle; hoping that the trouble with Captain John Thope [?] has been relieved by the arrival of important loyalist Sir John Johnson; “His Excellency wishes you to gratify them as far as you can within reasonable bounds”

218. May 26, 1785
From Major Edward Williams, commander of the Royal Artillery in Canada, at Quebec, to Fraser
Enclosing the May return for the Royal Artillery [not microfilmed]; reporting that noncommissioned officers of the Royal Artillery are to be stationed at several posts where ordnance stores are deposited; that Sorel, St. Johns, Carleton Island, Isle aux Noix, Oswego, and Niagara already have officers assigned but that Detroit, Cataraqui, Oswegatchie, and Michilimackinac do not; making suggestions for reinforcing the detachments of artillery at the upper posts

219. May 30, 1785
From Rudyerd at Quebec to Fraser at Montreal
Concerning the repair of barracks and other work

220. May 30, 1785
From Williams at Quebec to Fraser
Requesting leave for Lieutenant Bowater, commander of artillery at Niagara, to meet his wife, who is sailing from England to Quebec

221. June 6, 1785
From Williams at Quebec to Fraser
Reporting on the movements of artillery officers to various posts as ordered

222. June 7, 1785
From Rudyerd at Quebec to Fraser
Every effort is being made to finish repairs to the barracks in time for the expected arrival of a regiment; regretting that his health will not allow him to accompany Captain Mann in visiting the various posts; inquiring whether Major Potts will be paid for the time he spent managing the Engineers Department

223. May 27, 1785
From Major I. Lemoine of the Royal Artillery, at Sorel, to Fraser
Reporting that no detachments except for the one at Yamaska upper blockhouse send returns to him; reporting having insufficient men to relieve any of them

 Indian Department, letters and papers, 1775-1782 and 1785-1797: 40 documents dated from April 7, 1775 through May 20, 1797 (printed page numbers 374 through 443)

[Note: Documents in this section are not microfilmed in chronological order.]

224. October 1775
Detailed descriptions of conferences of commissioners of Indian affairs from the Continental Congress of the “rebellious colonies” held with representatives of the Six Nations of Wyandots, Delawares, and other Indian tribes at Pittsburgh, dated October 7, October 10, October 14, and October 17, 1775 [two manuscript copies are microfilmed with different handwriting]

225. April 7, 1775
“The United American States, To their Brethren the Delawares at Kaskaskia”
Detailed description of conference, signed at Fort Pitt by George Morgan

226. July 15, 1777
Text of statement by Mr. Soule directed to Indian chiefs [written in French; difficult to read]

227. July 15, 1777
Text of response by the chiefs to Mr. Soule [written in French; difficult to read]

228. July 16, 1777
Text of statement by the chiefs, with names of several chiefs at end of document; text of response [written in French; difficult to read]

229. May 16, 1777
Texts of speeches between Indians of the Six Nations and Bostonian/Americans and French; “A Copy of a speech sent by Cap’t John Johnson”

 Speech by two Onondaga Indians at their village, brought to Boston by Oneida Indians, in which they agree to join the Bostonians against the King, following a route via Lake George to Crown Point

 Speech by Bostonians, in which they request that the Six Nations not interfere in the Bostonians’ fight against the King

 Speech by a French general, stating that the French have returned [having been gone since 1763] with 55 ships, determined to “kick those usurpers out” of Canada

 Speech by a rebel American general, reiterating the Bostonians’ request that the Indians stay at home, in peace, not getting involved in the war between America and the King; warning the Indians against complicity with Colonel Butler at Niagara; “I am now prepear’d to feight with the King and General Schuyler will soon Be from Philadilphia where you will hear the Determination of the 13 Governors”

230. April 21, 1777
“Memoire D’observations” made to General Sir Guy Carleton at Quebec by Paul Des Ruipeaux [?]; may be an intelligence report about the Six Nations and the meetings with the “rebels” [written in French]

231. September 7, 1777
“Return of Parties of Indians sent from Detroit against The Rebells after the 2nd July 1777”; signed by John Hay, deputy agent of Indian affairs and by Governor Henry Hamilton

232. [no date]
“State of pay for the under mentioned Officers Interpreters and others of the Indian Department for 183 days Commencing the 1st June and Ending the 31st of November 1777”; War Office note at end “Pierre Terienne of Nicolet Sergeant of militia Ettienne Gregoire Sergeant of militia parish St. Cuthbert the only Volunteers that remain’d with Major Campbell to the last—”

233. [no date]
“List of the officers, Interpreters, & others of the Indian Department in the Province of Quebec 1777”

234. June 1, 1778
“A List of Colonel Johnson’s Department of Indian Affairs” with dates of appointment

235. [no date]
“A List of Colonel Johnson’s Department of Indian Affairs” including name, rank, date appointed, age, and country

236. [no date]
“A List of Colonel Johnson’s Department of Indian Affairs”, including name, rank, date appointed, by whom appointed, age, country, profession, and residence

237. January 26, 1778
From Lieutenant Wills Crofts of the 34th Regiment, at St. François, to Major Francis Le Maistre, deputy adjutant General, at Quebec
Promising that he will be on the lookout for any “attempts that may be made against this part of the province”; reporting that parties are being trained to “go out”

238. March 30, 1778
“A Return of the Officers & Rangers of the 5 Nation Indian Departm’t in the Province of Quebec, together with their Pay per day, Arrears due to Each”; signed at Montreal by Captain Gilbert Tice

239. May 11, 1778
From Tice at Montreal to General Sir Guy Carleton
Concerning pay overdue to men of Johnson’s Indian Department, who are suffering as a result and also had not been able to go to Niagara, as ordered

240. May 18, 1778
Tice at Montreal to Le Maistre
Explaining in detail, for Carleton’s information, why the Indian Department men had not gone to Niagara, because of military movements

241. [no date]
“State of pay due to the Officers, Interpreters, and Others in the Indian Department from 1st January to 31st May, 1778 both days Inclusive”; signed by Major John Campbell

242. June 22, 1778
From Campbell at Montreal to Le Maistre
Reporting that 84 Indians had arrived from Michilimackinac; desiring to know what to do with them; reporting that eight Ottawa Indians intended for Saratoga had returned to Montreal

243. June 27, 1778
From Campbell at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Informing him of movements by the Department and by Indians, including 65 more who arrived from Michilimackinac

244. June 27, 1778
From Captain Alexander Fraser at Montreal to Le Maistre
Reporting on intelligence work by his men among Indians and others who have been in contact with the Rebels; seeking leave to travel briefly to Quebec to see his “friend & Benefactor Gen’l Carleton before he leaves the Province”

245. July 20, 1778
From Campbell at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Reporting that about 50 more Indians had arrived, making a total of nearly 570, including women and children, at Montreal

246. July 23, 1778
From Campbell at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Reporting that a search party had returned empty handed

247. August 3, 1778
From Campbell at Montreal to Le Maistre at Quebec
Informing the commander in chief that the Michilimackinac Indians were tired and sick and planned to begin their long walk home soon

248. October 25, 1778
From Surgeon Charles Austin of the King’s Royal Regiment of New York, at Sorel, to Le Maistre at Quebec
Because of widespread illness at his post, seeking a source of medicines

249. October 28, 1778
From Major John Butler at Niagara to Le Maistre
Concerning pay for soldiers, the suffering of their families, and examination of the accounts

250. [no date]
A list of members of a Huron family [apparently one of those suffering as mentioned in Butler’s letter, document 247]

251. June 13, 1779
From Crofts at St. François to Le Maistre at Sorel
Reporting that a band of Indians was supposed to depart yesterday but, when they found out how many white people were to go with them, “(which they were not aware of, it being necessary to keep it as secret as possible)”, they found many excuses not to go; today, 24 Indians had departed with several whites.

252. December 5, 1780
From John Edjar [?] at Montreal to [? probably Le Maistre]
Reporting that he has followed Brigadier General Maclean’s advice to petition for his release; asking assistance in influencing the commander in chief favorably on the petition.

253. [no date]
“Return of Captain Tice’s party” apparently under the command of Colonel John Butler, including names, age, birthplace, and occupation of officers and rank and file

254. February 1781
From Mr. John Johnston at Montreal to Major Richard Berringer Lernoult, adjutant general, at Quebec
Recounting his service under Sir John Johnson, Colonel Butler, Captain Mathews, and others; requesting that his compliments be presented to Captain Mathews

255. May 14, 1781
From Colonel Christian Daniel Claus at Montreal to Lernoult
Providing a personal character reference regarding a Mr. Henry Bowen, who got ensnared in a quarrel, in which he was attempting to interpret between German and English, and resulting from which he was accused of interpreting in a way to abet the quarrel, “Under which pretext he was sent for to my House by Brig’r Genl Maclean, and without any farther Enquiry about the Nature of his Engagement from, him or me, sent under Guard to be confined by the provost martial and tried by a Military Court, which as a free British Subject he thinks very hard & illegal”

256. November 1, 1781
From Johnston at Montreal to Lernoult at Quebec
Recounting more details of his service, especially in relation to the Indians, and asking for an unspecified favor

257. November 20, 1781
Invoice for sundry ordnance addressed to Major Ross at Carleton Island and signed by Lieutenant Colonel John Campbell [enclosed with document 258]

258. November 22, 1781
From Campbell at Montreal to Le Maistre
Enclosing an invoice [document 257] for sundry ordnance needed to sufficiently arm a detachment of Sir John Johnson’s regiment going to Carleton Island

259. March 4, 1782
From Johnston, of the Indian Department, at Montreal, to Lernoult and Mathews at Quebec
Seeking a response to his previous “memorials” [documents 254, 256] and specifically requesting, notwithstanding his previous “misfortunes” that led to his being removed from Colonel Sir John Johnson’s command, that they influence the commander in chief in appointing him “ to Joyn any Provincial Corps as a Volunteer, or to Undertake any Service I may be thought Worthy of”

260. June 30, 1782
From Campbell of the Indian Department, at Montreal, to Lernoult at Quebec
Presenting his godson Mr. Robertson and requesting Lernoult’s “protection” for him; hoping that he will be returned to the Indian Department

261. December 21, 1781
From Johnston at Montreal to Lernoult
Being “so Unhappy as to be favour’d with no answer,” to his letters, pleading for a response

262. February 10, 1785
“Return of Stores belonging to the Indian Department at the Garrison of Oswegatchie in Charge of Captain Lermey”; signed by Sergeant Robert Webster

263. May 20, 1797
“Schedule of the Letters and Documents relative to the Post at Isle Aux Noix, as Delivered over by Captain Neil McLean 2nd Battalion Royal Canadian Voluntiers to Lieutenant Captain Gabriel Gordon 2nd Battalion 60th or Roy’l American Regiment”; comprising a list of 27 numbered items containing descriptive contents of letters and other documents, with dates from 1786 to 1796; signed by Gordon [letters and documents not microfilmed]

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org.

Patron's Perspective: Tracing the New Jersey Militia

2011-11-17T14:17:00.003-05:00

Long-time Library Patron Larry Kidder has spent many years researching the life and times of the men who served in the Hunterdon County, New Jersey, Militia in our microfilm records. Over the course of his work, he has run into many challenges stemming from the nature of the source material, which was not always kept as exactly and regularly by contemporaries as historians could desire. In this installment, he takes on the particularly tricky question of tracing men who served in the militia as well as in the Continental service. Unlike the modern United States Army, the Continental Army was initially recruited for one-year enlistments from 1775 through 1777. One of the major source pools for recruits were the various county militias-- in fact, they were so important that in the second half of the war, American officials would actively draft men from the militia to serve in Continental regiments in order to meet Congressional quotas. These practices created an intricate spiderweb of documents, as well as gaps in the record, that complicate any attempt to trace a given individual's service. Thankfully, Larry provides some key insights that should smooth the path of other researchers.

WPT III

"The lack of official records relating to the New Jersey militia can cause identity problems. Since many men served at different times in both the Continental forces and the militia, it is difficult to know what the actual service of any one individual was. Was the man said to have been in the militia also the same man who served for a time in the Continentals? Even standard and highly regarded sources can lead one astray. Here is one case study – Captain John Mott."

For the remainder of Larry's entry, read below the fold.

Paucity of Militia Records Leads to Identity Crisis

By Larry Kidder

The lack of official records relating to the New Jersey militia can cause identity problems. Since many men served at different times in both the Continental forces and the militia, it is difficult to know what the actual service of any one individual was. Was the man said to have been in the militia also the same man who served for a time in the Continentals? Even standard and highly regarded sources can lead one astray. Here is one case study – Captain John Mott.

On page 85 of Stryker’s Official register of the officers and men of New Jersey in the Revolutionary War we find John Mott as a first lieutenant in the Third New Jersey Battalion of the First Establishment commissioned February 9, 1776 and then a captain in the Third New Jersey Battalion of the Second Establishment commissioned November 29, 1776. He served until retiring on September 26, 1780. Then, Stryker makes the brief comment that he was also a captain in the militia. Stryker then expands on this in his classic study of The Battles of Trenton and Princeton where he notes that at the time of the Battle of Trenton among the men of Hopewell Township, New Jersey who did good service was Captain John Mott, formerly of the First Hunterdon County Militia but then recruiting for the New Jersey Continental Line. (page 138) He later mentions that a Hessian patrol got as far as the house of Captain John Mott of the New Jersey Continental line now located on the grounds of the “New Jersey Hospital for the Insane. (page 146) This was apparently the source used by the editors of the University of Virginia edition of the Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, Vol 7, p428 to identify a Captain John Mott mentioned by New Jersey militia General Philemon Dickinson in a letter to Washington on December 24, 1776. This Captain Mott, Dickinson says, “now waits upon my Lord Sterling to give him some Information about certain roads, agreeable to his Lordships requests – Capt. Mott is a man that may be relied upon in every respect.” The note giving Mott’s identity first says he was a captain in the Hunterdon County Militia and had previously served in the Third New Jersey Continental Regiment and at the time mentioned in Dickinson’s letter was “recruiting for his company” for the Continentals. The description closes with the statement that “Mott remained a captain in the 3d New Jersey Regiment until he retired from the army in September 1780.” So, we have a picture of this newly commissioned Continental captain, and former militiaman, hanging around the militia forces of Gen. Dickinson the day before the crossing to Trenton trying to recruit militiamen worried about their families in British occupied Trenton and vicinity. Good luck. However, this picture is wrong and as we shall see the Continental Captain Mott was not the man mentioned by Dickinson.

There is a clear paper trail for the Continental service of a Captain John Mott as described by Stryker. But, how does the idea that Captain Mott was also in the First Hunterdon Militia Regiment fit in? It would appear that he must have only served for a few months before joining the Continentals in February 1776. While not stated specifically, he might have resumed his duties in the militia after his retirement from the Continentals in 1780. But, his militia service is pretty vague.

However, even the information positively stated is not without flaw. Stryker includes his Captain Mott with men from Hopewell Township who helped with the Battle of Trenton. However, John Mott lived in Trenton Township, what is now Ewing Township, where the state hospital mentioned is located. His home was not far from the home of Gen. Dickinson who knew him personally and could attest to his trustworthiness. As we shall see, though, Captain Mott actually worked for Dickinson and the Captain John Mott he referred to in his letter was not the Captain John Mott who served in the New Jersey Continental Line. Rather, he was the Captain John Mott who served throughout the war in the First Hunterdon Militia Regiment. How do we know this?

At the New Jersey State Archives is manuscript document #700 in the collection of Revolutionary War documents. This document is a muster roll of Captain John Mott’s Company of the First Hunterdon Militia made in October 1777. This is the same time that Stryker and the Papers of George Washington have Captain Mott as an officer in the Third New Jersey Regiment of the Continental Line. This document is available on microfilm at the David Library. If we then turn to pension files of First Hunterdon militiamen, also at the David Library, we find men who swear they were in Captain John Mott’s Company of the First Hunterdon as early as June 1776. Private John Burroughs of Trenton swore in his pension application (W841) that he went out first under Captain John Mott and went to Amboy where they heard the Declaration of Independence read. At this time the Continental John Mott was a lieutenant in the Third New Jersey.

As for the time of the Battle of Trenton, private Isaac Reed of the First Hunterdon attests in his pension file (W3868) that he belonged to Captain Mott’s Company and that he, “Marched from Trenton across the Delaware into Pennsylvania where we remained along the river until the capture of the Hessians at Trenton in December of that year. Capt Mott’s company was kept on guard on the Pennsylvania side of the Delaware at the battle of Princeton.” Private Joseph Reed gave a deposition for Andrew Reeder of Trenton saying in part, “I recollect being with Captain Mott’s company upon one occasion at Howell’s Ferry on the Delaware just after the Battle of Trenton, the boats were all collected at Howell’s Ferry to be used by General Washington’s army if a retreat was necessary.” (pension file W4059)

Joseph Reed also remembered that in 1778 at the Battle of Monmouth, “owing to the sickness of Captain Mott, Lt Andrew Reeder commanded the company.” At least half a dozen other pension files indicate that John Mott was captain of a company of the First Hunterdon at the time of the Battle of Monmouth. (The most definite statements are in file W543 Joshua Furman of Trenton, W3868 Isaac Reed of Trenton, S4838 Henry Simmons of Hopewell, and W6287 Benjamin Titus of Hopewell)

I could go on with citations from pension files, but from the ones already mentioned it is clear that Captain John Mott of the First Hunterdon County Militia Regiment could not be the John Mott who served as a lieutenant and captain in the Third New Jersey Continental Line Regiment. Only further research could determine if that John Mott ever served in a militia regiment before or after his continental service, but if he did it was not in the First Hunterdon as indicated by Stryker and works that use him as a source.

This all may seem like nit picking, but I chose to write about it to demonstrate how the lack of official records on New Jersey militiamen leads to misunderstandings about who actually served and in what capacity. My research into the First Hunterdon Militia Regiment is convincing me that there is much more to the story of these militiamen in the Revolution than the usual comments about them not turning out and not exhibiting much dedication to the cause. The story of Captain John Mott of the little known militia is equally interesting as the story of Captain John Mott of the renowned New Jersey Continental Line. The two men should not be combined and the Continental service of one be what is remembered with only the notation, erroneous apparently, that he also served in the militia.

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Prologue to the Retreat Across the Jerseys

2011-11-15T14:01:00.005-05:00

"We are now, thank God, and the inertness of the Enemy, in a very tolerable secure condition"

General Charles Lee's November 2, 1776, letter came at the breathing point between the Battle of White Plains and the total collapse of American efforts to keep the British Army contained in the vicinity of New York. Following the Battle of Pell's Point, Washington withdrew the Continental Army to the small village of White Plains, near which he fought General William Howe's redcoated forces on October 28th. The British succeeded in driving Washington off the high ground near White Plains, but did not destroy or seriously maul his forces. In the aftermath of that engagement, Washington held a council of war to determine the best strategy for the upcoming winter season. As a result of that meeting, Washington divided his forces into three parts. One, under Lee's command, took post on the eastern shore of the Hudson to prevent at British attempts to invade New England. General William Heath took another detachment further up the river to guard against any attack on Albany. The final portion of the army, under Washington's personal command, took post at Fort Lee, across the North River from Fort Washington. From this relative point of security, the Continentals waited to see what the British forces would do next. As Lee's letter below demonstrates, the general lost no time in writing to Pennsylvanian Dr. Benjamin Rush, waxing eloquent on the past campaign and lodging a series of complaints about various shortcomings. See the full text of the letter below, as painstakingly transcribed by Library volunteer Andrew Dauphinee. The entire staff can attest to the difficulty of reading the good general's handwriting!

WPTIII

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 791

Charles Lee to Benjamin Rush, Camp at Philipsburg 2 November 1776

Transcribed by Andrew Dauphinee September 2011

Camp at Philipsburg Nov. ye 2d 1776

Dr Rush

A Dragoon Deserter from Burgoyn’s Regt will deliver you this – He is a very intelligent fellow and, I believe very honest. He is by trade a Weaver and I recommend him to your protection, by which I mean that you will put him in the best way to avail himself of his weaving talents. We are now, thank God, and the inertness of the Enemy, in a very tolerable secure condition – Mr Howe has but two moves by which he can distress us, and I flatter myself We shall be able to check-mate him in both – the various Skirmishes We have had with him have been rather favorable to us than the reverse – three of the four have fallen on my division – Glover, an admirable officer & acting Brigadier fairly beat ‘em – a shooting match betwixt the Riflemen [&] Hessian Chesseurs demonstrated our superiority at this game – the Parties were good in numbers, and We won the match We lost but one Man, buryed ten of theirs and took three. M’^c Dougal, it is true, in the last affair was oblig’d to retreat by the superiority of their Artillery: but He lost no credit: the loss on their side was very considerable in short He is a sensible brave Officer [pg. 1]

When We are once fairly out of this damnd culdesac I think you will hear good accounts of us; We shall I am persuaded, harass em most damnably – our only distressess Seem to me to arise from a total want of method and a little narrow dirty oeconomy in all things relating to the hospital and Quarter Master General departments – thrice since my arrival have We been in the jaws of perdition from a scarcity of teams – for Gods sake get some Military Men into your Senate, for inter nos [entre nous*] all the resolves of Congress relative to Military affairs are absurd ridiculous and ruinous. They raise the laughter and provoke the indignation of evry Man of common sense – Where is the cloathing so long promised for the Army – Why do you not make an handsome establishment for Engineers? We have three very able Foreigners in my family and you put New-England Carpenters at the head of this important Department. Why have you not magazines establishd in ~~evry~~ various Provinces It woud be curious oeconomy in a Master of a Family who kept a constant table to send evry day to the tavern for bottles of Wine rather than lay in a few pipes in his cellar. & Just so, You act [pg. 2] as it is most probable that the operations in this part of the world will cease in three weeks or a month, I must intreat your High Mightiness to let me return to my southern district, as I dread the podagraferous quality of this freezing Climate. dont you think it possible the Enemy may direct their course towards Philadelphia when They find themselves baffled here? a Corps of observation should in my opinion be stationd at Trenton or Bristol – It is late-- God bless you

Good night My Love to the Lee’s

and Bob Morris – yours, dr Rush

most sincerely –

Charles Lee

P S.

I wish you woud desire little Bass to send me the bottle of Panacea [pg 3]”

*French for “between us”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: The Battle of Pell's Point

2011-11-11T14:21:00.004-05:00

"Col Reads & Lt Col: Shepards Regiments were posted behind a Stone Wall in the Enemy’s Course undiscovered by them..."

In Jedediah Huntington's previous letter of October 15, 1776, he discussed the British Army's abortive landing at Throg's Neck, to be followed up by an advance at Pell's Point designed to turn the American flank. In this letter, dated five days later, he provides some descriptions of the latter engagement. In the course of this battle, Colonel John Glover, commander of the 14th Continental Regiment (also known as Glover's Marblehead Regiment) opposed the march of 4,000 redcoats with his small brigade of four regiments. Huntington mentions neither Glover, Glover's regiment, nor another one of the units in Glover's Brigade, the 3rd Continental Regiment. Instead, he focuses on the 13th Continental Regiment (commanded by Colonel Read of Massachusetts) and the 26th Continental Regiment (officially commanded by Col. Baldwin of Massachusetts but actually lead by Lt. Col. Shepherd). As Huntington notes, the key to the initial American success was surprise: Glover was able to shelter his men behind stone walls and ambush the British column, which eventually succeeded due to the force of numbers. While Glover was forced to retire, his defense bought Washington precious time to begin the withdrawal to White Plains, leaving a strong garrison at Fort Washington to harass the British. For the full text of the letter, please read below.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 586
Jedediah Huntington to Andrew [Huntington] Camp Kingsbridge 20 October 1776
Transcribed by Paul Davis, October 2011

“Camp Kingsbridge 20 Octo 1776

Dear Sir, I do not know how soon this will reach you, having no direct Conveyance to Norwich I send it to Byram to the Care of our Friend Tracy to forward ______ a large Body of the Enemy landed the Day before Yesterday near East Chester Church & marched to an Height about a Quarter of a Mile from the Post Road but not without Opposition & great Loss. __ Col Reads & Lt Col: Shepards Regiments were posted behind a Stone Wall in the Enemy’s Course undiscovered by them & they were suffered to approach within a Rod or two before they received the first Fire of our Men which at once broke them & made them retire they rallyed & came up a second Time & were again repulsed, the third Engagement our men gave them the Ground owing to their great Supeorority of Numbers ______two Deserters have come from them since the action & say that a Thousand were killed & taken, we lost not a Twentieth part so many ______ Lt. Col: Shepard is slightly wounded in the Neck ______ the Enemy now Command the Post Road by the forementioned Church __ most of our troops have left York Island. _ Genl. Lee, Spencer & Lincoln with near ten thousand men are between the Enemy’s new Post & the North River who doubtless will thwart their intention of forming a Line from River to River_ the Army is in fine spirits & wishing for more than expecting a General Action ___Jed Huntington [pg 1]

PS I hear the Enemy have stretched themselves to New Rochel & have taken a Quantity of Salt in the Church there belonging to the Commy. General ______ One hundred & Fifty Light Horse made their appearance at East Chester this Day _____by the by the Regiment of Light Horse (Burgoynes) lately arrived from England Were lost at Sea & bruised on the Voyage so that only 31 of them were landed fit for Service _________

I am this Hour 8 0,Clock P,M, ordered to be in Readiness to march tomorrow Morning at Break of Day somewhere I know not where to the Northward ________ [pg 2]”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Mount Independence

2011-11-09T14:35:00.006-05:00

"Our men have suffered much for want of barracks but are now getting comfortable log-houses."

On October 18, 1776, Dr. Samuel Adams penned another letter to his wife Sally, covering his trip to Mount Independence from Fort Edward, New York. In theory, this crossing took place before his previous letter, but Adams likely waited to relay it due to the more exciting event of the Battle of Valcour Island. As Adams note at the end of this dispatch, it was the third he had written in the space of a week. As noted in that previous entry, Mount Independence was the site of additional American fortifications on the flank of Fort Ticonderoga, designed to guard against any British attempt to secure the Champlain corridor. The victory at Valcour Island assured the American garrison of both posts a reasonable quiet winter, since the British could not effectively conduct operations at this advanced season. As Adams notes, the garrison of Mount Independence was busying itself preparing for winter quarters, especially creating warm barracks to see the troops through the coldest months of the year. As in his other letters, Adams provides eloquent testimony to the strong ties that linked men on the front lines of the struggle with their loved ones at home. For the full text of this letter, please read below. Our thanks go out to Library volunteer Paul Davis for transcribing this document.

WPTIII

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 24

Dr. Samuel Adams to Sally Adams , Mount Independence Oct: 18^th 1776

Transcribed by Paul Davis July 2011

“Mount Independence Oct: 18^th 1776

My Dear Sally

I arrived here from Fort-George last night, had a tedious passage over the Lake, by reason of a head wind was out two nights and lodged on shore in the woods which these cool nights is not so agreeable as it would be to lodge in my Sally’s arms, however I cheerfully go through these hardships /if they may be called so/animated with the glorious cause in which I am engaged – on my arrival here rec^d yours of Sept: 20:^th with great pleasure, I feel for you on account of your late Sickness, wish it had been in my power to have administered comfort to you in your distress, desire to render unfeigned thanks to almighty God for his goodness to us in so far restoring your health. Pray he may confirm it. Would have you do what you think best about going to house-keeping . but hope you will not run any great hazard with my furniture and my opinion is that you had better not send for it until I return – I am much pleased with the good sense discovered in your agreeable and well wrote letter. Our men have suffered much for want of barracks but are now getting comfortable log-houses. I have got a very comfortable hose myself [pg 1] live with Mr. Carnes and Dr, Sprague. If you will favor us with your company an afternoon we shall be able to wait on you with Tea & in a genteel manner. Mrs. Carnes and Miss Dolly has the same invitation – am much obliged to Mr & Mrs. Moore for their care of you please my kind love to them. Also to Mr. & Mrs. Baker & Prisl^a – may God be praised by us both for his goodness to me so good a measure of health, while so many are deprived of it around me, Doct. Sprague has been unwell for sometime passt Fever and Ague. &c - he sends compliments – accept my kindest love and best wishes heaven grant you health and happiness is the fervent prayer of

My Dear Sally

Your

Affectionately

Saml Adams

P.S. this is the 3d letter I have wrote you in about a week. Wish you would be as ready to improve every opportunity – if Mr. Hinsfor by whom I wrote last calls upon you treat him kindly on my account.

S.A.

Mrs. Adams”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Flanking Maneuver at Pell's Point

2011-11-04T14:41:00.047-04:00

"...Our Men are in good Spirits, ‘thou very ragged & dirty..."

As American forces were cautiously celebrating a Pyrrhic victory at Valcour Island, General George Washington's main army stood poised at the landward side of New York City, holding post at the main bridge over the Bronx River. Huntington, whose last dispatch was written from the same local in late September, notes little change from the army's disposition of nearly three weeks earlier. His most significant concern is that the British forces will successfully outflank the Americans, cutting them off from the mainland and placing them in an untenable position. His letter details the movement of British troops off of their respective land posts around New York City, which, somewhat ironically, was the lead up to a major action that occurred a few days after of his letter: the Battle of Pell's Point. On October 12th, British Commander Sir William Howe had landed a large force of redcoats on Throgs Neck (referred to as "Frogs Point" in Huntington's letter below) in an attempt to out-flank American forces at Harlem Heights. Finding the Neck to be an island, rather than a peninsula, Howe evacuated his men on the evening of October 18th, landing at Pell's Point early the next morning. Meanwhile, Washington had already put the army in marching order, moving towards safer positions at White Plains where his line of retreat could be secured. The skirmish that ensued at Pell's Point between Glover's 14th Continental Regiment (from Marblehead, MA) and 4,000 redcoats bought Washington the time he needed to make good his escape. In the meantime, however, Washington left 2,000 men in garrison at Fort Washington, with orders to maintain a foothold on Manhattan Island. That post would provide the ground for the next major clash of the New York Campaign. For the full text of Huntington's letter, please continue below the fold.

WPTIII

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 595

Jedediah Huntington to Jabez Huntington, 15 Oct. 1776. Kings Bridge, New York.

Transcribed by Andrew Dauphinee August 2011

“Camp Kings Bridge 15 Oct^r. 1776

Hon^d Sir

I sent you by Mr. Buckely of Withersfield a Bundle of Money & now send by Mr. Thes: Huntington 40 pounds ― not thinking it prudent to keep any more by me (as Appearances are) than just for necessary Expenses – there is great Probability that the Enemy intend a general Action many think their Plan is to pass over from Frogs Point (where they are now in great Numbers) to Phillips Patent on the North River and cut us entirely off from the Country ― We learn by a Deserter from NYork, that only three Brigades are left on York Island (say 3000) 500 on the Jerseys & none on Staten Island ― Gen^l Washington is ordering the most of his Troops into this Division ― Genl^s Putnam & Spencer are left with two ~~Brigades~~ Divisions (3 Brigades each) upon our advanced Lines toward NYork – General Lee came into Camp Yesterday ― Our Men are in good Spirits, ‘thou very ragged & dirty ― I hope we shall give the Enemy a warm Reception ― may our Trust be in the all wise & gracious Sovereign of the Universe

I am your affectionate Son Jed Huntington”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: The Battle of Valcour Island

2011-11-02T14:11:00.002-04:00

"...we heard a heavy cannonading down the lake which continued for some hours, by which we knew that our Fleet was engaged with that of the Enemy..."

By the Fall of 1776, Dr. Samuel Adams, surgeon to the 2nd Continental Regiment of Artillery, found himself at Mount Independence, the major American installation next to Fort Ticonderoga. From this position, he listened to the Battle of Valcour Island unfold to the north of his position, up Lake Champlain. The engagement pitted a scratch-built American fleet, consisting mostly of flat-bottom gondola gunboats, against a squadron of British ships, including specially-designed Royal Artillery gunboats.

The prize at stake was control of the Lake Champlain corridor. In order to strike at rebel-held upstate New York, the British needed the freedom to sail unmolested up and down the Lake. For Americans, this body of water provided a vital buffer for frontier defense. Beyond control of Lake Champlain, the Battle of Valcour Island also had significant ramifications on the American occupation of Fort Ticonderoga and Mount Independence. Built by the French in the 1750s, Fort Ticonderoga was designed to defend against an attack from the south: while it had some batteries facing Lake Champlain, this was the weakest side of the fortifications. Mount Independence boasted an impressive array of earthwork defenses, which were, in fact, too impressive, since they required more men to defend than could easily be spared.

The American victory at Valcour Island, one of the narrower points in Lake Champlain, delayed the trial of the Ticonderoga and Mount Independence defenses for a year, though it was achieved at a high price: the destruction of most of the American fleet. This battle was also a major feather in the cap of a man who is still well known to Americans today, but for very different reasons. His name was Benedict Arnold, commander of the American fleet on the Lake. For a more detailed contemporary perspective, see the full text of Dr. Adams' letter below. Our thanks go to Library volunteer Paul Davis for transcribing this letter.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 23

Dr. Samuel Adams to Sally Adams, Mount Independence 14 October 1776

Transcribed by Paul Davis July 2011

“Mount Independence Oct: 14^th 1776

Soon after I closed my letter of yesterday we heard a heavy cannonading down the lake which continued for some hours, by which we knew that our Fleet was engaged with that of the Enemy; have since obtained the following general account, that the Enemies Fleet fell in with ours last Fryday morning that ours fought them bravely through the whole day and had rather the advantage of them Sinking two or three of their Gundaloes : but one of our Schooners having her foremast Shot away ran a shore & the people all left her & escaped. The Schooner was blowed up by the enemy – that yesterday morning they engaged again, and the enemy got the advantage of our Fleet, having the wind in their favour they got round an Island & got ahead of our vessels, several of which they have taken, Some ran on shore & was burnt by our people. The galley which Genl. Waterbury was on board is taken & it is thought he /the Gen^l/ is killed & upon the whole about two thirds of our fleet is destroyed. Those that escaped arrived here last night bringing off our troops from Crown –point after burning the House & Barracks there, and the enemy are now in possession of that place. Thus have we be much deceived about the strength of the enemy [pg 1]on the Lake, they having a 20 gun ship & a number of Sloops and Schooners – we expect them here in a very few days a large powerful army but our men are in good Spirits yet and we are well prepared to receive them, may the lord be on our side + then we shall have nothing to fear – With regard to the numbers killed, taken or wounded in the lake engagement can as yet get no account

Since I Began to write have obtained another more particular account of the Fight for Which I refer you to Capt. Sumner’s letter- may we both be prepared for what is before us, I hope we shall yet see many agreeable hours together for all these troubles- Please to make my compliments agreeable to all friends – accept the kindest love to yourself from

My Dear Sally Your loving Husband Saml Adams

P.S. Partner is not yet come up have had no news from him this month which gives me concern

S.A.

Mrs. Adams”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: Retreat from New York

2011-10-28T13:13:00.002-04:00

"...they were not able to effect any Thing on Acc^o of the heavy & incessant Fire from the Enemies Forts & Ships ― no less than Eight Col^l: & L^t. Colonels have been taken, died or killed since the Landing on L: Island"

By the end of September 1776, the George Washington's Continental Army was in the midst of a stubborn retreat from New York City. In late August the British Army under General Sir William Howe maneuvered the Americans off Long Island. On September 15th, Howe landed at Kip's Bay, forcing the Americans to evacuate New York City and retreat to their defensive works atop Harlem Heights. Sometime in the following weeks, Jedediah Huntington's command moved to King's Bridge, guarding the crossing over the Bronx, which was a significant river at this time. His account, which can be viewed below, details the various reversals of fortune that the American army suffered during the period, along with casualties including Captain Nathan Hale. The situation would continue to unravel for Washington, as his army was pushed further north in October and finally forced to retreat across New Jersey in November and December.

WPTIII

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 594

Jedediah Huntington to Jabez Huntington, 28 Sept. 1776. Kings Bridge, New York.

Transcribed by Andrew Dauphinee August 2011

“Camp Kings Bridge 28 Sep^t. 1776

Hon^d Sir

I reached this Place Yesterday at 3’^oClock in the Afternoon, With as Little Fatigue as I ever had in a Journey ― had the Pleasure of seeing Brothers Chester & Joshua pretty well Bro^r. Joshua has been ill but got near well_Bro^r. Eben is well but I have not seen him. neither of the Brothers were in the Actions of Sunday or Monday ― Brother Joshua commanded a Party Gov: Island three Days after our Troops evacuated it (for the Purpose of bringing off some Cannon) which was as hazardous as to have been in the Engagements above mentioned ― they were not able to effect any Thing on Acc^o of the heavy & incessant Fire from the Enemies Forts & Ships ― no less than Eight Col^l: & L^t. Colonels have been taken, died or killed since the Landing on L: Island ― Col: Gay of Sickness ― L^t. Col: Clark taken – Col^l.Selden, L^t. Col: Thomson, & Moulton taken on Sunday, L^t. Col Knowlton killed ― Col: Pettibone died of sickness ― L^t Col: Hart taken on Sunday by best Information the Enemy lost about 400 in the Action of Monday & we only 15 or 20 ― L^t. Sim Huntington is alive & well.________

Last Sunday 200 Men in 5 Boats undertook to land on Montressors Island above Hell Gate & attack some of the Enemy which were upon it only one of the Boats landed and attacked the Enemy with Success one other got on the Rocks the rest upon the first Fire put about & left their brave Fellows to fight the Enemy alone, as soon as the Enemy perceived the smallness of our Numbers they took Courage and drove back our Men with great Slaughter. a few of my Regiment suffered in this Action ― You have likely heard that a Comm^o. of Congress has been here to concert a Plan for a new Army, it is not yet published in Orders___ the Heads are said to be__ that each Private [pg 1] is to have Six pounds Bounty a Coat & 100 Acres Land for inlisting during the War – Wages of Officers and Men the same as before, the Officers also are to have Land ― 88 Battalions of about 700 Men each are talked of ― Each State is to have its Quota assigned which they are to raise & appoint their own Officers from Colonels down’ards our Men who were Prisoners at the Northward are arrived among us about 400 of them they are on Parole not to take up Arms untill an Exchange of Prisoners is made ― they bring an Acc^o that General Gordon of Burgoynes Army was mortally wounded by a Party of our People when he was reconnoitering near S^t. Johns and died of his Wounds at Quebec about a Fortnight afterwards.__

General Sullivan is exchanged for General Prescott__tis said Lord Stirling is to be exchanged for Gov: Brown__ Brig: Gen^l. Donal McDonald was proposed for that Purpose but he is not owned by his Side to be more than a Major___

As far as I have seen I like the Situation of our Camp and doubt not with a common Blessing we shall be able to hold our present Ground___ Things are getting into good Order to what they have been Ovens are building to bake Bread___ a Barracks are already up for a great Proportion of the Army & more are going up___ the North River is open to Kings Bridge ― about one Third of the City of NYork was consumed with Fire – unheard of Barbarities were committed by the Kings Troops at that Time upon any of the Citizens who came in their Way___ some it is said were thrown into the Flames others tyed up by the Legs & their Throats cut, this they pretend is necessary to deter others from firing Houses, as [pg 2] they suppose the Citizens set Fire to the City ― Capt Hale of Webbs Reg^t was sent out on Long Island as a Spy – he was detected & hung in NYork___ the Enemy have Possession of Paulus Hook.___ We have a Breast Work from River to River ab^t 10 Miles from the City, between which & Kings Bridge are our Generals Head Quarters & the Main Body of our Army, one Division under the Command of Maj: Gen: Heath is on the Side of Kings Bridge next the Country, where I am ― but I forbear to add as Capt Fraiy is intelligent and can tell any Particulars

I remain your affectionate Son

Jed Huntington

If the Assembly is to complete my choir of Officers & I continue, I shall be very sollicituous as to the Persons I am to have under me, I think the Commanding Officers of Regiments ought to be consulted.

my Love & Duty to mother &c &c

When Blisses Cheeses come in I wish half a Dozen might be sent to me, & the Firkin of Butter if it comes from Pomfret, & 3 or 4 or half a dozen Bushell Oats by first Opport^y. all address to Capt Wadsworth or the Commissary at Byram River

[pg 3]”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: The Flying Camp of Pennsylvania

2011-10-26T12:45:00.029-04:00

"...Cap^t Valentine Opp has raised a Company for the Flying Camp in Bucks County, and his Men refused to march until they had receivd their bounty Money."

On June 3, 1776, the Continental Congress authorized the formation of a "flying camp" of light reserve troops, numbering some 10,000 men. Washington had requested this corps as early as March 1776, realizing that the American army had a huge swathe of territory to defend, and thus needed a quick reaction force that could respond to British raids and feints across the eastern seaboard. The Flying Camp was intended to consist of militiamen from Pennsylvania, Delaware, and Maryland, who would be fed and paid like regular soldiers and discharged by December 1, 1776. As Howell's letter (transcribed fully below) shows, recruiting for this formation was nearly as problematic as raising men for the Continental regiments, further complicating the manpower issues that plagued the American war effort for the first few years of the rebellion.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 566

Jacob S. Howell to the commissioners appointed by the Convention of Pennsylvania to form the flying camp. Philadelphia, 19 Aug. 1776.

Transcribed by David Swain August 2011

“Philadelphia August 19^th 1776

Gentlemen

I am ordered by the Council of Safety to inform you that Cap^t Valentine Opp has raised a Company for the Flying Camp in Bucks County, and his Men refused to march until they had receivd their bounty Money. The Council /to forward the Service/ granted him two Hundred and twenty eight Pounds to enable him to pay his men the Bounty, and ordered him to March to Camp Immediately.

I am Gentlemen your most Humble Servant

Jacob S. Howell Secretary

The Honorable Commissioners appointed by the Convention of Pennsylvania to form the Flying Camp”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org

Letters from the Front: The Quiet before the Storm

2011-10-21T11:53:00.027-04:00

"...the British Fleet now consists of between 150 & 200 Ships, those lately arrived are probably a Division of Hessian Troops from England & some others from Hallifax which are mentioned in the Papers."

By early August 1776, it was becoming apparent to American troops in New York City that the British were preparing for a massive attack on their defenses. As Jedediah Huntington notes in this letter of August 6, 1776, an increasing number of British transports and warships were gathering off the coast of Long Island. As Huntington correctly observed, recent arrivals included the first detachment of Hessian troops, as well as the Brigade of Foot Guards from London. These forces would not land until August 22nd, but once on shore, they made relatively short work of the American defenders. Huntington's letter, a complete transcript of which appears below, thus provides us with a final view of American-occupied New York. Our continuing thanks go out to the many David Library volunteers who are helping with this project.

WPT III

Sol Feinstone Collection No. 585

Jedediah Huntington to Andrew Huntington, Camp at New York 6 August 1776

Transcribed by Andrew Dauphinee September 2011

Camp New York 6 Aug 1776~

Dear Sir

The Phenix and Rose are still in the North River, we are sinking cheveau de Frise in the channel opposite our Fort near Kings Bridge to prevent their Passage down or any other going up if they should happen to Catch this Obstruction under the Mouths of our Cannon they may wish they had continued at Staten Island.

Fire ships are prepared & preparing to burn up the Fleet & done with them at once, but I have not so much Faith in the Success as some have, it depends I apprehend on too many Contingencies, however we will hope the best.

the British Fleet now consists of between 150 & 200 Ships, those lately arrived are probably a Division of Hessian Troops from England & some others from Hallifax which are mentioned in the Papers.

The new Levies are daily coming in from New England and from the Southern Colonies, I think it likely we are at least double the Number of our Enemies.

I think I would be willing to take 1/32^d of a Privateer or 1/16 rather than not have one fitted out.

my love &C to all as is due & remain your affectionate Bro^er.

Jed Huntington

I have a Letter from John Trumbull at Ticonderoga, says they begin to be in a hopefull Way his Letter is dated 26 last M^o.”

Have something you want to share, such as a question, research find, or a personal story about the Library? Email Will Tatum at tatum@dlar.org